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                                                                   Autobiography ‑

                                                          The Life Of Flavius Josephus

                                                        Translated by William Whiston

                                                                          Part 1

1. THE family from which I am derived is not an ignoble one, but hath descended all along from the

priests; and as nobility among several people is of a different origin, so with us to be of the sacerdotal

dignity, is an indication of the splendor of a family. Now, I am not only sprung from a sacerdotal

family in general, but from the first of the twenty‑four (1) courses; and as among us there is not only

a considerable difference between one family of each course and another, I am of the chief family of

that first course also; nay, further, by my mother I am of the royal blood; for the children of

Asamoneus, from whom that family was derived, had both the office of the high priesthood, and the

dignity of a king, for a long time together. I will accordingly set down my progenitors in order. My

grandfather's father was named Simon, with the addition of Psellus: he lived at the same time with

that son of Simon the high priest, who first of all the high priests was named Hyrcanus. This Simon

Psellus had nine sons, one of whom was Matthias, called Ephlias: he married the daughter of

Jonathan the high priest, which Jonathan was the first of the sons of Asamoneus, who was high

priest, and was the brother of Simon the high priest also. This Matthias had a son called Matthias

Curtus, and that in the first year of the government of Hyrcanus: his son's name was Joseph, born in

the ninth year of the reign of Alexandra: his son Matthias was born in the tenth year of the reign of

Archclaus; as was I born to Matthias in the first year of the reign of Caius Caesar. I have three sons:

Hyrcanus, the eldest, was born in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, as was Justus born in the

seventh, and Agrippa in the ninth. Thus have I set down the genealogy of my family as I have found

it described (2) in the public records, and so bid adieu to those who calumniate me [as of a lower

original].

2. Now, my father Matthias was not only eminent on account of is nobility, but had a higher

commendation on account of his righteousness, and was in great reputation in Jerusalem, the greatest

city we have. I was myself brought up with my brother, whose name was Matthias, for he was my

own brother, by both father and mother; and I made mighty proficiency in the improvements of my

learning, and appeared to have both a great memory and understanding. Moreover, when I was a

child, and about fourteen years of age, I was commended by all for the love I had to learning; on

which account the high priests and principal men of the city came then frequently to me together, in

order to know my opinion about the accurate understanding of points of the law. And when I was

about sixteen years old, I had a mind to make trim of the several sects that were among us.

These sects are three: ‑ The first is that of the Pharisees, the second that Sadducees, and the third

that of the Essens, as we have frequently told you; for I thought that by this means I might choose

the best, if I were once acquainted with them all; so I contented myself with hard fare, and

underwent great difficulties, and went through them all. Nor did I content myself with these trials

only; but when I was informed that one, whose name was Banus, lived in the desert, and used no

other clothing than grew upon trees, and had no other food than what grew of its own accord, and

bathed himself in cold water frequently, both by night and by day, in order to preserve his chastity, I

imitated him in those things, and continued with him three years. (3) So when I had accomplished my

desires, I returned back to the city, being now nineteen years old, and began to conduct myself

according to the rules of the sect of the Pharisees, which is of kin to the sect of the Stoics, as the

Greeks call them.

3. But when I was in the twenty‑sixth year of my age, it happened that I took a voyage to Rome, and

this on the occasion which I shall now describe. At the time when Felix was procurator of Judea

there were certain priests of my acquaintance, and very excellent persons they were, whom on a

small and trifling occasion he had put into bonds, and sent to Rome to plead their cause before

Caesar. These I was desirous to procure deliverance for, and that especially because I was informed

that they were not unmindful of piety towards God, even under their afflictions, but supported

themselves with figs and nuts. (4) Accordingly I came to Rome, though it were through a great

number of hazards by sea; for as our ship was drowned in the Adriatic Sea, we that were in it, being

about six hundred in number, (5) swam for our lives all the night; when, upon the first appearance of

the day, and upon our sight of a ship of Cyrene, I and some others, eighty in all, by God's providence,

prevented the rest, and were taken up into the other ship. And when I had thus escaped, and was

come to Dieearchia, which the Italians call Puteoli, I became acquainted with Aliturius, an actor of

plays, and much beloved by Nero, but a Jew by birth; and through his interest became known to

Poppea, Caesar's wife, and took care, as soon as possible, to entreat her to procure that the priests

might be set at liberty. And when, besides this favor, I had obtained many presents from Poppea, I

returned home again.

4. And now I perceived innovations were already begun, and that there were a great many very

much elevated in hopes of a revolt from the Romans. I therefore endeavored to put a stop to these

tumultuous persons, and persuaded them to change their minds; and laid before their eyes against

whom it was that they were going to fight, and told them that they were inferior to the Romans not

only in martial skill, but also in good fortune; and desired them not rashly, and after the most foolish

manner, to bring on the dangers of the most terrible mischiefs upon their country, upon their families,

and upon themselves. And this I said with vehement exhortation, because I foresaw that the end of

such a war would be most unfortunate to us. But I could not persuade them; for the madness of

desperate men was quite too hard for me.

5. I was then afraid, lest, by inculcating these things so often, I should incur their hatred and their

suspicions, as if I were of our enemies' party, and should run into the danger of being seized by them,

and slain; since they were already possessed of Antonia, which was the citadel; so I retired into the

inner court of the temple. Yet did I go out of the temple again, after Manahem and the principal of

the band of robbers were put to death, when I abode among the high priests and the chief of the

Pharisees. But no small fear seized upon us when we saw the people in arms, while we ourselves

knew not what we should do, and were not able to restrain the seditious. However, as the danger

was directly upon us, we pretended that we were of the same opinion with them, but only advised

them to be quiet for the present, and to let the enemy go away, still hoping that Gessius [Florus]

would not be long ere he came, and that with great forces, and so put an end to these seditious

proceedings.

6. But, upon his coming and fighting, he was beaten, and a great many of those that were with him

fell. And this disgrace which Gessius [with Cestius] received, became the calamity of our whole

nation; for those that were fond of the war were so far elevated with this success, that they had

hopes of finally conquering the Romans. Of which war another occasion was ministered; which was

this: Those that dwelt in the neighboring cities of Syria seized upon such Jews as dwelt among them,

with their wives and children, and slew them, when they had not the least occasion of complaint

against them; for they did neither attempt any innovation or revolt from the Romans, nor had they

given any marks of hatred or treacherous designs towards the Syrians. But what was done by the

inhabitants of Scythopolis was the most impious and most highly criminal of all; (6) for when the Jews

their enemies came upon them from without, they forced the Jews that were among them to bear

arms against their own countrymen, which it is unlawful for us to do; (7) and when, by their

assistance, they had joined battle with those who attacked them, and had beaten them, after that

victory they forgot the assurances they had given these their fellow citizens and confederates, and

slew them all, being in number many ten thousands [13,000]. The like miseries were undergone by

those Jews that were the inhabitants of Damascus. But we have given a more accurate account of

these things in the books of the Jewish war. I only mention them now, because I would demonstrate

to my readers, that the Jews' war with the Romans was not voluntary, but that, for the main, they

were forced by necessity to enter into it.

7. So when Gessius had been beaten, as we have said already, the principal men of Jerusalem, seeing

that the robbers and innovators had arms in great plenty, and fearing lest they, while they were

unprovided of arms, should be in subjection to their enemies, which also came to be the case

afterward; and, being informed that all Galilee had not yet revolted from the Romans, but that some

part of it was still quiet; they sent me and two others of the priests, who were men of excellent

characters, Joazar and Judas, in order to persuade the ill men there to lay down their arms, and to

teach them this lesson, That it were better to have those arms reserved for the most courageous

men that the nation had [than to be kept there]; for that it had been resolved, That those our best men

should always have their arms ready against futurity; but still so, that they should wait to see what the

Romans would do.

8. When I had therefore received these instructions, I came into Galilee, and found the people of

Sepphoris in no small agony about their country, by reason that the Galileans had resolved to plunder

it, on account of the friendship they had with the Romans, and because they had given their right

hand, and made a league with Cestius Gallus, the president of Syria. But I delivered them all out of

the fear they were in, and persuaded the multitude to deal kindly with them, and permitted them to

send to those that were their own hostages with Gessius to Dora, which is a city of Phoenicia, as

often as they pleased; though I still found the inhabitants of Tiberias ready to take arms, and that on

the occasion following: ‑

9. There were three factions in this city. The first was composed of men of worth and gravity; of

these Julius Capellus was the head. Now he, as well as all his companions, Herod the son of Miarus,

and Herod the son of Gamalus, and Compsus the son of Compsus; (for as to Compsus's brother

Crispus, who had once been governor of the city under the great king [Agrippa] (8) he was beyond

Jordan in his own possessions;) all these persons before named gave their advice, that the city should

then continue in their allegiance to the Romans and to the king. But Pistus, who was guided by his

son Justus, did not acquiesce in that resolution; otherwise he was himself naturally of a good and

virtuous character. But the second faction was composed of the most ignoble persons, and was

determined for war. But as for Justus, the son of Pistus, who was the head of the third faction,

although he pretended to be doubtful about going to war, yet was he really desirous of innovation, as

supposing that he should gain power to himself by the change of affairs. He therefore came into the

midst of them, and endeavored to inform the multitude that

"the city Tiberius had ever been a city of Galilee, and that in the days of Herod the

tetrarch, who had built it, it had obtained the principal place, and that he had ordered

that the city Sepphoris should be subordinate to the city Tiberias; that they had not lost

this preeminence even under Agrippa the father, but had retained it until Felix was

procurator of Judea. But he told them, that now they had been so unfortunate as to be

made a present by Nero to Agrippa, junior; and that, upon Sepphoris's submission of

itself to the Romans, that was become the capital city of Galilee, and that the royal

library and the archives were now removed from them."

When he had spoken these things, and a great many more, against king Agrippa, in order to provoke

the people to a revolt, he added that

"this was the time for them to take arms, and join with the Galileans as their

confederates (whom they might command, and who would now willingly assist them,

out of the hatred they bare to the people of Sepphoris; because they preserved their

fidelity to the Romans), and to gather a great number of forces, in order to punish

them."

And as he said this, he exhorted the multitude, [to go to war;] for his abilities lay in making harangues

to the people, and in being too hard in his speeches for such as opposed him, though they advised

what was more to their advantage, and this by his craftiness and his fallacies, for he was not

unskillful in the learning of the Greeks; and in dependence on that skill it was, that he undertook to

write a history of these affairs, as aiming, by this way of haranguing, to disguise the truth. But as to

this man, and how ill were his character and conduct of life, and how he and his brother were, in

great measure, the authors of our destruction, I shall give the reader an account in the progress of my

narration. So when Justus had, by his persuasions, prevailed with the citizens of Tiberias to take arms,

nay, and had forced a great many so to do against their wills, he went out, and set the villages that

belonged to Gadara and Hippos on fire; which villages were situated on the borders of Tiberias, and

of the region of Scythopolis.

10. And this was the state Tiberias was now in. But as for Gischala, its affairs were thus: ‑ When

John, the son of Levi, saw some of the citizens much elevated upon their revolt from the Romans, he

labored to restrain them, and entreated them that they would keep their allegiance to them. But he

could not gain his purpose, although he did his endeavors to the utmost; for the neighboring people of

Gadara, Gabara, and Sogana, with the Tyrians, got together a great army, and fell upon Gischala, and

took Gischala by force, and set it on fire; and when they had entirely demolished it, they returned

home. Upon which John was so enraged, that he armed all his men, and joined battle with the people

forementioned; and rebuilt Gischala after a manner better than before, and fortified it with walls for

its future security.

11. But Gamala persevered in its allegiance to the Romans, for the reason following: ‑ Philip, the son

of Jacimus, who was their governor under king Agrippa, had been unexpectedly preserved when the

royal palace at Jerusalem had been besieged; but, as he fled away, had fallen into another danger,

and that was, of being killed by Manahem, and the robbers that were with him; but certain

Babylonians, who were of his kindred, and were then in Jerusalem, hindered the robbers from

executing their design. So Philip staid there four days, and fled away on the fifth, having disguised

himself with fictitious hair, that he might not be discovered; and when he was come to one of the

villages to him belonging, but one that was situated at the borders of the citadel of Gamala, he sent to

some of those that were under him, and commanded them to come to him. But God himself hindered

that his intention, and this for his own advantage also; for had it not so happened, he had certainly

perished. For a fever having seized upon him immediately, he wrote to Agrippa and Bernice, and

gave them to one of his freed‑men to carry them to Varus, who at this time was procurator of the

kingdom, which the king and his sister had intrusted him withal, while they were gone to Berytus with

an intention of meeting Gessius. When Varus had received these letters of Philip, and had learned

that he was preserved, he was very uneasy at it, as supposing that he should appear useless to the

king and his sister, now Philip was come.

He therefore produced the carrier of the letters before the multitude, and accused him of forging the

same; and said that he spake falsely when he related that Philip was at Jerusalem, fighting among the

Jews against the Romans. So he slew him. And when this freed‑man of Philip did not return again,

Philip was doubtful what should be the occasion of his stay, and sent a second messenger with

letters, that he might, upon his return, inform him what had befallen the other that had been sent

before, and why he tarried so long. Varus accused this messenger also, when he came, of telling a

falsehood, and slew him.

For he was puffed up by the Syrians that were at Caesarea, and had great expectations; for they said

that Agrippa would be slain by the Romans for the crimes which the Jews had committed, and that

he should himself take the government, as derived from their kings; for Varus was, by the confession

of all, of the royal family, as being a descendant of Sohemus, who had enjoyed a tetrarchy about

Libanus; for which reason it was that he was puffed up, and kept the letters to himself. He contrived,

also, that the king should not meet with those writings, by guarding all the passes, lest any one should

escape, and inform the king what had been done. He moreover slew many of the Jews, in order to

gratify the Syrians of Cesarea. He had a mind also to join with the Trachonites in Batanea, and to

take up arms and make an assault upon the Babylonian Jews that were at Ecbatana; for that was the

name they went by. He therefore called to him twelve of the Jews of Cesarea, of the best character,

and ordered them to go to Ecbatana, and inform their countrymen who dwelt there, That Varus hath

heard that

"you intend to march against the king; but, not believing that report, he hath sent us to

persuade you to lay down your arms, and that this compliance will be a sign that he did

well not to give credit to those that raised the report concerning you."

He also enjoined them to send seventy of their principal men to make a defense for them as to the

accusation laid against them. So when the twelve messengers came to their countrymen at Ecbatana,

and found that they had no designs of innovation at all, they persuaded them to send the seventy men

also; who, not at all suspecting what would come, sent them accordingly. So these seventy went

down to Caesarea, together with the twelve ambassadors; where Varus met them with the king's

forces, and slew them all, together with the [twelve] (9) ambassadors, and made an expedition

against the Jews of Ecbatana. But one there was of the seventy who escaped, and made haste to

inform the Jews of their coming; upon which they took their arms, with their wives and children, and

retired to the citadel at Gamala, leaving their own villages full of all sorts of good things, and having

many ten thousands of cattle therein. When Philip was informed of these things, he also came to the

citadel of Gamala; and when he was come, the multitude cried aloud, and desired him to resume the

government, and to make an expedition against Varus, and the Syrians of Cesarea; for it was

reported that they had slain the king.

But Philip restrained their zeal, and put them in mind of the benefits the king had bestowed upon

them; and told them how powerful the Romans were, and said it was not for their advantage to make

war with them; and at length he prevailed with them. But now, when the king was acquainted with

Varus's design, which was to cut off the Jews of Caesarea, being many ten thousands, with their

wives and children, and all in one day, he called to him Equiculus Modius, and sent him to be Varus's

successor, as we have elsewhere related. But still Philip kept possession of the citadel of Gamala,

and of the country adjoining to it, which thereby continued in their allegiance to the Romans.

12. Now, as soon as I was come into Galilee, and had learned this state of things by the information

of such as told me of them, I wrote to the sanhedrim at Jerusalem about them, and required their

direction what I should do. Their direction was, that I should continue there, and that, if my fellow

legates were willing, I should join with them in the care of Galilee. But those my fellow legates,

having gotten great riches from those tithes which as priests were their dues, and were given to them,

determined to return to their own country. Yet when I desired them to stay so long, that we might

first settle the public affairs, they complied with me. So I removed, together with them, from the city

of Sepphoris, and came to a certain village called Bethmaus, four furlongs distant from Tiberius; and

thence I sent messengers to the senate of Tiberius, and desired that the principal men of the city

would come to me: and when they were come, Justus himself being also with them, I told them that I

was sent to them by the people of Jerusalem as a legate, together with these other priests, in order to

persuade them to demolish that house which Herod the tetrarch had built there, and which had the

figures of living creatures in it, although our laws have forbidden us to make any such figures; and I

desired that they would give us leave so to do immediately.

But for a good while Capellus and the principal men belonging to the city would not give us leave, but

were at length entirely overcome by us, and were induced to be of our opinion. So Jesus the son of

Sapphias, one of those whom we have already mentioned as the leader of a seditious tumult of

mariners and poor people, prevented us, and took with him certain Galileans, and set the entire palace

on fire, and thought he should get a great deal of money thereby, because he saw some of the roofs

gilt with gold. They also plundered a great deal of the furniture, which was done without our

approbation; for after we had discoursed with Capellus and the principal men of the city, we departed

from Bethmaus, and went into the Upper Galilee. But Jesus and his party slew all the Greeks that

were inhabitants of Tiberias, and as many others as were their enemies before the war began.

13. When I understood this state of things, I was greatly provoked, and went down to Tiberias, and

took all the care I could of the royal furniture, to recover all that could be recovered from such as had

plundered it. They consisted of candlesticks made of Corinthian brass, and of royal tables, and of a

great quantity of uncoined silver; and I resolved to preserve whatsoever came to my hand for the

king. So I sent for ten of the principal men of the senate, and for Capellus the son of Antyllus, and

committed the furniture to them, with this charge, That they should part with it to nobody else but to

myself. From thence I and my fellow legates went to Gichala, to John, as desirous to know his

intentions, and soon saw that he was for innovations, and had a mind to the principality; for he desired

me to give him authority to carry off that corn which belonged to Caesar, and lay in the villages of

Upper Galilee; and he pretended that he would expend what it came to in building the walls of his

own city. But when I perceived what he endeavored at, and what he had in his mind, I said I would

not permit him so to do; for that I thought either to keep it for the Romans or for myself, now I was

intrusted with the public affairs there by the people of Jerusalem.

But, when he was not able to prevail with me, he betook himself to my fellow legates; for they had no

sagacity in providing for futurity, and were very ready to take bribes. So he corrupted them with

money to decree, That all that corn which was within his province should be delivered to him; while I,

who was but one, was outvoted by two, and held my tongue. Then did John introduce another

cunning contrivance of his; for he said that those Jews who inhabited Cesarea Philippi, and were shut

up by the order of the king's deputy there, had sent to him to desire him, that, since they had no oil

that was pure for their use, he would provide a sufficient quantity of such oil for them, lest they

should be forced to make use of oil that came from the Greeks, and thereby transgress their own

laws. Now this was said by John, not out of his regard to religion, but out of his most flagrant desire

of gain; for he knew that two sextaries were sold with them of Caesarea for one drachma, but that at

Gischala fourscore sextaxies were sold for four sextaries. So he gave order that all the oil which was

there should be carried away, as having my permission for so doing; which yet I did not grant him

voluntarily, but only out of fear of the multitude, since, if I had forbidden him, I should have been

stoned by them. When I had therefore permitted this to be done by John, he gained vast sums of

money by this his knavery.

14. But when I had dismissed my fellow legates, and sent them back to Jerusalem, I took care to

have arms provided, and the cities fortified. And when I had sent for the most hardy among the

robbers, I saw that it was not in my power to take their arms from them; but I persuaded the

multitude to allow them money as pay, and told them it was better for them to give them a little

willingly, rather than to [be forced to] overlook them when they plundered their goods from them.

And when I had obliged them to take an oath not to come into that country, unless they were invited

to come, or else when they had not their pay given them, I dismissed them, and charged them neither

to make an expedition against the Romans, nor against those their neighbors that lay round about

them; for my first care was to keep Galilee in peace. So I was willing to have the principal of the

Galileans, in all seventy, as hostages for their fidelity, but still under the notion of friendship.

Accordingly, I made them my friends and companions as I journeyed, and set them to judge causes;

and with their approbation it was that I gave my sentences, while I endeavored not to mistake what

justice required, and to keep my hands clear of all bribery in those determinations.

15. I was now about the thirtieth year of my age; in which time of life it is a hard thing for any one to

escape the calumnies of the envious, although he restrain himself from fulfilling any unlawful desires,

especially where a person is in great authority. Yet did I preserve every woman free from injuries;

and as to what presents were offered me, I despised them, as not standing in need of them. Nor

indeed would I take those tithes, which were due to me as a priest, from those that brought them. Yet

do I confess, that I took part of the spoils of those Syrians which inhabited the cities that adjoined to

us, when I had conquered them, and that I sent them to my kindred at Jerusalem; although, when I

twice took Sepphoris by force, and Tiberias four times, and Gadara once, and when I had subdued

and taken John, who often laid treacherous snares for me, I did not punish [with death] either him or

any of the people forenamed, as the progress of this discourse will show. And on this account, I

suppose, it was that God, (10) who is never unacquainted with those that do as they ought to do,

delivered me still out of the hands of these my enemies, and afterwards preserved me when I fell into

those many dangers which I shall relate hereafter.

16. Now the multitude of the Galileans had that great kindness for me, and fidelity to me, that when

their cities were taken by force, and their wives and children carried into slavery, they did not so

deeply lament for their own calamities, as they were solicitous for my preservation. But when John

saw this, he envied me, and wrote to me, desiring that I would give him leave to come down, and

make use of the hot‑baths of Tiberias for the recovery of the health of his body. Accordingly, I did

not hinder him, as having no suspicion of any wicked designs of his; and I wrote to those to whom I

had committed the administration of the affairs of Tiberius by name, that they should provide a

lodging for John, and for such as should come with him, and should procure him what necessaries

soever he should stand in need of. Now at this time my abode was in a village of Galilee, which is

named Cans.

17. But when John was come to the city of Tiberias, he persuaded the men to revolt from their

fidelity to me, and to adhere to him; and many of them gladly received that invitation of his, as ever

fond of innovations, and by nature disposed to changes, and delighting in seditions; but they were

chiefly Justus and his father Pistus, that were earnest for their revolt from me, and their adherence to

John. But I came upon them, and prevented them; for a messenger had come to me from Silas,

whom I had made governor of Tiberias, as I have said already, and had told me of the inclinations of

the people of Tiberias, and advised me to make haste thither; for that, if I made any delay, the city

would come under another's jurisdiction. Upon the receipt of this letter of Silas, I took two hundred

men along with me, and traveled all night, having sent before a messenger to let the people of

Tiberias know that I was coming to them. When I came near to the city, which was early in the

morning, the multitude came out to meet me; and John came with them, and saluted me, but in a most

disturbed manner, as being afraid that my coming was to call him to an account for what I was now

sensible he was doing. So he, in great haste, went to his lodging. But when I was in the open place of

the city, having dismissed the guards I had about me, excepting one, and ten armed men that were

with him, I attempted to make a speech to the multitude of the people of Tiberias: and, standing on a

certain elevated place, I entreated them not to be so hasty in their revolt; for that such a change in

their behavior would be to their reproach, and that they would then justly be suspected by those that

should be their governors hereafter, as if they were not likely to be faithful to them neither.

18. But before I had spoken all I designed, I heard one of my own domestics bidding me come down,

for that it was not a proper time to take care of retaining the good‑will of the people of Tiberias, but

to provide for my own safety, and escape my enemies there; for John had chosen the most trusty of

those armed men that were about him out of those thousand that he had with him, and had given

them orders when he sent them, to kill me, having learned that I was alone, excepting some of my

domestics. So those that were sent came as they were ordered, and they had executed what they

came about, had I not leaped down from the elevation I stood on, and with one of my guards, whose

name was James, been carried [out of the crowd] upon the back of one Herod of Tiberias, and

guided by him down to the lake, where I seized a ship, and got into it, and escaped my enemies

unexpectedly, and came to Tarichese.

19. Now, as soon as the inhabitants of that city understood the perfidiousness of the people of

Tiberias, they were greatly provoked at them. So they snatched up their arms, and desired me to be

their leader against them; for they said they would avenge their commander's cause upon them. They

also carried the report of what had been done to me to all the Galileans, and eagerly endeavored to

irritate them against the people of Tiberias, and desired that vast numbers of them would get together,

and come to them, that they might act in concert with their commander, what should be determined

as fit to be done. Accordingly, the Galileans came to me in great numbers, from all parts, with their

weapons, and besought me to assault Tiberias, to take it by force, and to demolish it, till it lay even

with the ground, and then to make slaves of its inhabitants, with their wives and children. Those that

were Josephus's friends also, and had escaped out of Tiberias, gave him the same advice. But I did

not comply with them, thinking it a terrible thing to begin a civil war among them; for I thought that

this contention ought not to proceed further than words; nay, I told them that it was not for their own

advantage to do what they would have me to do, while the Romans expected no other than that we

should destroy one another by our mutual seditions. And by saying this, I put a stop to the anger of

the Galileans.

20. But now John was afraid for himself, since his treachery had proved unsuccessful. So he took

the armed men that were about him, and removed from Tiberias to Gischala, and wrote to me to

apologize for himself concerning What had been done, as if it had been done without his approbation,

and desired me to have no suspicion of him to his disadvantage. He also added oaths and certain

horrible curses upon himself, and supposed he should be thereby believed in the points he wrote about

to me.

21. But now another great number of the Galileans came together again with their weapons, as

knowing the man, how wicked and how sadly perjured he was, and desired me to lead them against

him and promised me that they would utterly both him and Gischala. Hereupon I professed that I was

obliged to them for their readiness to serve me, and that I would more than requite their good‑will to

me. However, I entreated them to restrain themselves, and begged of them to give me leave to do

what I intended, which was to put an end to these troubles without bloodshed; and when I had

prevailed with the multitude of the Galileans to let me do so, I came to Sepphoris.

22. But the inhabitants of this city having determined to continue in their allegiance to the Romans,

were afraid of my coming to them, and tried, by putting me upon another action, to divert me, that

they might be freed from the terror they were in. Accordingly, they sent to Jesus, the captain of those

robbers who were in the confines of Ptolemais, and promised to give him a great deal of money, if he

would come with those forces he had with him, which were in number eight hundred, and fight with

us. Accordingly, he complied with what they desired, upon the promises they had made him, and was

desirous to fall upon us when we were unprepared for him, and knew nothing of his coming

beforehand. So he sent to me, and desired that I would give him leave to come and salute me. When

I had given him that leave, which I did without the least knowledge of his treacherous intentions

beforehand, he took his band of robbers, and made haste to come to me.

Yet did not this his knavery succeed well at last; for as he was already nearly approaching, one of

those with him deserted him, and came to me, and told me what he had undertaken to do. When I

was informed of this, I went into the market‑place, and pretended to know nothing of his treacherous

purpose. I took with me many Galileans that were armed, as also some of those of Tiberias; and,

when I had given orders that all the roads should be carefully guarded, I charged the keepers of the

gates to give admittance to none but Jesus, when he came, with the principal of his men, and to

exclude the rest; and in case they aimed to force themselves in, to use stripes [in order to repel

them]. Accordingly, those that had received such a charge did as they were bidden, and Jesus came

in with a few others; and when I had ordered him to throw down his arms immediately, and told him,

that if he refused so to do, he was a dead man, he seeing armed men standing all round about him,

was terrified, and complied; and as for those of his followers that were excluded, when they were

informed that he was seized, they ran away. I then called Jesus to me by himself, and told him, that

"I was not a stranger to that treacherous design he had against me, nor was I ignorant

by whom he was sent for; that, however, I would forgive him what he had done

already, if he would repent of it, and be faithful to me hereafter."

And thus, upon his promise to do all that I desired, I let him go, and gave him leave to get those whom

he had formerly had with him together again. But I threatened the inhabitants of Sepphoris, that, if

they would not leave off their ungrateful treatment of me, I would punish them sufficiently.

23. At this time it was that two great men, who were under the jurisdiction of the king [Agrippa]

came to me out of the region of Trachonius, bringing their horses and their arms, and carrying with

them their money also; and when the Jews would force them to be circumcised, if they would stay

among them, I would not permit them to have any force put upon them, (11) but said to them,

"Every one ought to worship God according to his own inclinations, and not to be

constrained by force; and that these men, who had fled to us for protection, ought not to

be so treated as to repent of their coming hither."

And when I had pacified the multitude, I provided for the men that were come to us whatsoever it

was they wanted, according to their usual way of living, and that in great plenty also.

   Footnotes

   (1) We may hence correct the error of the Latin copy of the second book Against Apion, sect. 8, (for

   the Greek is there lost,) which says, there were then only four tribes or courses of the priests, instead

   of twenty‑four. Nor is this testimony to be disregarded, as if Josephus there contradicted what he had

   affirmed here; because even the account there given better agrees to twenty‑four than to four

   courses, while he says that each of those courses contained above 5000 men, which, multiplied by

   only four, will make not more than 20,000 priests; whereas the number 120,000, as multiplied by 24,

   seems much the most probable, they being about one‑tenth of the whole people, even after the

   captivity. See Ezra 2:36‑39; Nehemiah 7:39‑42; 1 Esdras 5:24, 25, with Ezra 2;64; Nehemiah 7:66; 1

   Esdras 5:41. Nor will this common reading or notion of but four courses of priests, agree with

   Josephus's own further assertion elsewhere, Antiq. B. VII. ch. 14. sect. 7, that David's partition of

   the priests into twenty‑four courses had continued to that day.

   (2) An eminent example of the care of the Jews about their genealogies, especially as to the priests.

   See Against Apion Book 1 sect. 7.

   (3) When Josephus here says, that from sixteen to nineteen, or for three years, he made trial of the

   three Jewish sects, the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essens, and yet says presently, in all our

   copies, that he stayed besides with one particular ascetic, called Banus, par' auto (with him) , and

   this still before he was nineteen, there is little room left for his trial of the three other sects. I suppose,

   therefore, that for par' auto (with him) , the old reading might be zerophagia, with them; which is a

   very small emendation, and takes away the difficulty before us. Nor is Dr. Hudson's conjecture,

   hinted at by Mr. Hall in his preface to the Doctor's edition of Josephus, at all improbable, that this

   Banus, by this his description, might well be a follower of John the Baptist, and that from him

   Josephus might easily imbibe such notions, as afterwards prepared him to have a favorable opinion of

   Jesus Christ himself, who was attested to by John the Baptist.

   (4) We may note here, that religious men among the Jews, or at least those that were priests, were

   sometimes ascetics also, and, like Daniel and his companions in Babylon, Daniel 1:8‑16, ate no flesh,

   but figs and nuts, etc. only. This was like the par' autois, or austere diet of the Christian ascetics in

   Passion‑week. Constitut. V. 18.

   (5) It has been thought the number of Paul and his companions on ship‑board, Acts 27:38, which are

   276 in our copies, are too many; whereas we find here, that Josephus and his companions, a very few

   years after the other, were about 600.

   (6) See Jewish War, B. II. ch. 18. sect. 3.

   (7) The Jews might collect this unlawfulness of fighting against their brethren from that law of

   Moses, Leviticus 19:16,

        "Thou shalt not stand against the blood of thy neighbor;"

        and that, ver. 17,

        "Thou shalt not avenge, nor bear any grudge against the children of thy people;

        but thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself; "

   as well as from many other places in the Pentateuch and Prophets. See Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 8. sect. 3.

   (8) That this Herod Agrippa, the father, was of old called a Great King, as here, appears by his coins

   still remaining; to which Havercamp refers us.

   (9) The famous Jewish numbers of twelve and seventy are here remarkable.

   (10) Our Josephus shows, both here and every where, that he was a most religious person, and one

   that had a deep sense of God and his providence upon his mind, and ascribed all his numerous and

   wonderful escapes and preservations, in times of danger, to God's blessing him, and taking care of

   him, and this on account of his acts of piety, justice, humanity, and charity, to the Jews his brethren.

   (11) Josephus's opinion is here well worth noting: — That every one is to be permitted to worship

   God according to his own conscience, and is not to be compelled in matters of religion: as one may

   here observe, on the contrary, that the rest of the Jews were still for obliging all those who married

   Jewesses to be circumcised, and become Jews, and were ready to destroy all that would not submit

   to do so. See sect. 31, and Luke 9:54.

                                                                          Part 2

24. Now king Agrippa sent an army to make themselves masters of the citadel of Gamala, and over

it Equieulus Modius; but the forces that were sent were not allow to encompass the citadel quite

round, but lay before it in the open places, and besieged it. But when Ebutius the decurion, who was

intrusted with the government of the great plain, heard that I was at Simonias, a village situated in the

confines of Galilee, and was distant from him sixty furlongs, he took a hundred horsemen that were

with him by night, and a certain number of footmen, about two hundred, and brought the inhabitants

of the city Gibea along with him as auxiliaries, and marched in the night, and came to the village

where I abode. Upon this I pitched my camp over against him, which had a great number of forces in

it: but Ebutius tried to draw us down into the plain, as greatly depending upon his horsemen; but we

would not come down; for when I was satisfied of the advantage that his horse would have if we

came down into the plain, while we were all footmen, I resolved to join battle with the enemy where I

was. Now Ebutius and his party made a courageous opposition for some time; but when he saw that

his horse were useless to him in that place, he retired back to the city Gibea, having lost three of his

men in the fight.

So I followed him directly with two thousand armed men; and when I was at the city Besara, that lay

in the confines of Ptolemais, but twenty furlongs from Gibea, where Ebutius abode, I placed my

armed men on the outside of the village, and gave orders that they should guard the passes with great

care, that the enemy might not disturb us until we should have carried off the corn, a great quantity of

which lay there: it belonged to Bernice the queen, and had been gathered together out of the

neighboring villages into Besara; so I loaded my camels and asses, a great number of which I had

brought along with me, and sent the corn into Galilee. When I had done this, I offered Ebutius battle;

but when he would not accept of the offer, for he was terrified at our readiness and courage, I

altered my route, and marched towards Neopolitanus, because I had heard that the country about

Tiberias was laid waste by him. This Neopolitanus was captain of a troop of horse, and had the

custody of Scythopolis intrusted to his care by the enemy; and when I had hindered him from doing

any further mischief to Tiberias, I set myself to make provision for the affairs of Galilee.

25. But when John, the son of Levi, who, as we before told you, abode at Gischala, was informed

how all things had succeeded to my mind, and that I was much in favor with those that were under

me, as also that the enemy were greatly afraid of me, he was not pleased with it, as thinking my

prosperity tended to his ruin. So he took up a bitter envy and enmity against me; and hoping, that if he

could inflame those that were under me to hate me,. he should put an end to the prosperity I was in,

he tried to persuade the inhabitants of Tiberias and of Sepphoris, (and for those of Gabara he

supposed they would be also of the same mind with the others,) which were the greatest cities of

Galilee, to revolt from their subjection to me, and to be of his party; and told them that he would

command them better than I did. As for the people of Sepphoris, who belonged to neither of us,

because they had chosen to be in subjection to the Romans, they did not comply with his proposal;

and for those of Tiberias, they did not indeed so far comply as to make a revolt from under me, but

they agreed to be his friends, while the inhabitants of Gabara did go over to John; and it was Simon

that persuaded them so to do, one who was both the principal man in the city, and a particular friend

and companion of John. It is true, these did not openly own the making a revolt, because they were in

great fear of the Galileans, and had frequent experience of the good‑will they bore to me; yet did they

privately watch for a proper opportunity to lay snares for me; and indeed I thereby came into the

greatest danger, on the occasion following.

26. There were some bold young men of the village of Dabaritta, who observed that the wife of

Ptolemy, the king's procurator, was to make a progress over the great plain with a mighty attendance,

and with some horsemen that followed as a guard to them, and this out of a country that was subject

to the king and queen, into the jurisdiction of the Romans; and fell upon them on a sudden, and obliged

the wife of Ptolemy to fly away, and plundered all the carriages. They also came to me to Tarichese,

with four mules' loading of garments, and other furniture; and the weight of the silver they brought

was not small, and there were five hundred pieces of gold also. Now I had a mind to preserve these

spoils for Ptolemy, who was my countryman; and it is prohibited (12) by our laws even to spoil our

enemies; so I said to those that brought these spoils, that they ought to be kept, in order to rebuild the

walls of Jerusalem with them when they came to be sold. But the young men took it very ill that they

did not receive a part of those spoils for themselves, as they expected to have done; so they went

among the villages in the neighborhood of Tiberias, and told the people that I was going to betray their

country to the Romans, and that I used deceitful language to them, when I said, that what had been

thus gotten by rapine should be kept for the rebuilding of the walls of the city of Jerusalem; although I

had resolved to restore these spoils again to their former owner. And indeed they were herein not

mistaken as to my intentions; for when I had gotten clear of them, I sent for two of the principal men,

Dassion, and Janneus the son of Levi, persons that were among the chief friends of the king, and

commanded them to take the furniture that had been plundered, and to send it to him; and I

threatened that I would order them to be put to death by way of punishment, if they discovered this

my command to any other person.

27. Now, when all Galilee was filled with this rumor, that their country was about to be betrayed by

me to the Romans, and when all men were exasperated against me, and ready to bring me to

punishment, the inhabitants of Tarichee did also themselves suppose that what the young men said

was true, and persuaded my guards and armed men to leave me when I was asleep, and to come

presently to the hippodrome, in order there to take counsel against me their commander. And when

they had prevailed with them, and they were gotten together, they found there a great company

assembled already, who all joined in one clamor, to bring the man who was so wicked to them as to

betray them, to his due punishment; and it was Jesus, the son of Sapphias, who principally set them

on. He was ruler in Tiberias, a wicked man, and naturally disposed to make disturbances in matters

of consequence; a seditious person he was indeed, and an innovator beyond every body else. He then

took the laws of Moses into his hands, and came into the midst of the people, and said,

        "O my fellow citizens! if you are not disposed to hate Josephus on your own account,

        have regard, however, to these laws of your country, which your commander‑in‑chief is

        going to betray; hate him therefore on both these accounts, and bring the man who hath

        acted thus insolently, to his deserved punishment."

   28. When he had said this, and the multitude had openly applauded him for what he had said, he took

   some of the armed men, and made haste away to the house in which I lodged, as if he would kill me

   immediately, while I was wholly insensible of all till this disturbance happened; and by reason of the

   pains I had been taking, was fallen fast asleep. But Simon, who was intrusted with the care of my

   body, and was the only person that stayed with me, and saw the violent incursion the citizens made

   upon me, awaked me, and told me of the danger I was in, and desired me to let him kill me, that I

   might die bravely and like a general, before my enemies came in, and forced me [to kill myself], or

   killed me themselves. Thus did he discourse to me; but I committed the care of my life to God, and

   made haste to go out to the multitude.

   Accordingly, I put on a black garment, and hung my sword at my neck, and went by such a different

   way to the hippodrome, wherein I thought none of my adversaries would meet me; so I appeared

   among them on the sudden, and fell down flat on the earth, and bedewed the ground with my tears:

   then I seemed to them all an object of compassion. And when I perceived the change that was made

   in the multitude, I tried to divide their opinions before the armed men should return from my house; so

   I granted them that I had been as wicked as they supposed me to be; but still I entreated them to let

   me first inform them for what use I had kept that money which arose from the plunder, and, that they

   might then kill me if they pleased: and upon the multitude's ordering me to speak, the armed men

   came upon me, and when they saw me, they ran to kill me; but when the multitude bade them hold

   their hands, they complied, and expected that as soon as I should own to them that I kept the money

   for the king, it would be looked on as a confession of my treason, and they should then be allowed to

   kill me.

   29. When, therefore, silence was made by the whole multitude, I spake thus to them:

        "O my countrymen! I refuse not to die, if justice so require. However, I am desirous to

        tell you the truth of this matter before I die; for as I know that this city of yours

        [Tarichee] was a city of great hospitality, and filled with abundance of such men as

        have left their own countries, and are come hither to be partakers of your fortune,

        whatever it be, I had a mind to build walls about it, out of this money, for which you are

        so angry with me, while yet it was to be expended in building your own walls."

   Upon my saying this, the people of Taricheae and the strangers cried out, that" they gave me thanks,

   and desired me to be of good courage," although the Galileans and the people of Tiberias continued in

   their wrath against me, insomuch that there arose a tumult among them, while some threatened to kill

   me, and some bade me not to regard them; but when I promised them that I would build them walls

   at Tiberias, and at other cities that wanted them, they gave credit to what I promised, and returned

   every one to his own home. So I escaped the forementioned danger, beyond all my hopes, and

   returned to my own house, accompanied with my friends, and twenty armed men also.

   30. However, these robbers and other authors of this tumult, who were afraid, on their own account,

   lest I should punish them for what they had done, took six hundred armed men, and came to the

   house where I abode, in order to set it on fire. When this their insult was told me, I thought it indecent

   for me to run away, and I resolved to expose myself to danger, and to act with some boldness; so I

   gave order to shut the doors, and went up into an upper room, and desired that they would send in

   some of their men to receive the money [from the spoils] for I told them they would then have no

   occasion to be angry with me; and when they had sent in one of the boldest of them all, I had him

   whipped severely, and I commanded that one of his hands should be cut off, and hung about his neck;

   and in this case was he put out to those that sent him. At which procedure of mine they were greatly

   affrighted, and in no small consternation, and were afraid that they should themselves be served in

   like manner, if they staid there; for they supposed that I had in the house more armed men than they

   had themselves; so they ran away immediately, while I, by the use of this stratagem, escaped this

   their second treacherous design against me.

   31. But there were still some that irritated the multitude against me, and said that those great men

   that belonged to the king ought not to be suffered to live, if they would not change their religion to the

   religion of those to whom they fled for safety: they spake reproachfully of them also, and said that

   they were wizards, and such as called in the Romans upon them. So the multitude was soon deluded

   by such plausible pretenses as were agreeable to their own inclinations, and were prevailed on by

   them. But when I was informed of this, I instructed the multitude again, that those who fled to them

   for refuge ought not to be persecuted: I also laughed at the allegation about witchcraft, (13) and told

   them that the Romans would not maintain so many ten thousand soldiers, if they could overcome their

   enemies by wizards. Upon my saying this, the people assented for a while; but they returned again

   afterwards, as irritated by some ill people against the great men; nay, they once made an assault upon

   the house in which they dwelt at Tarichess, in order to kill them; which, when I was informed of, I

   was afraid lest so horrid a crime should take effect, and nobody else would make that city their

   refuge any more.

   I therefore came myself, and some others with me, to the house where these great men lived, and

   locked the doors, and had a trench drawn from their house leading to the lake, and sent for a ship,

   and embarked therein with them, and sailed to the confines of Hippos: I also paid them the value of

   their horses; nor in such a flight could I have their horses brought to them. I then dismissed them, and

   begged of them earnestly that they would courageously bear I this distress which befell them. I was

   also myself I greatly displeased that I was compelled to expose those that had fled to me to go again

   into an enemy's country; yet did I think it more eligible that they should perish among the Romans, if it

   should so happen, than in the country that was under my jurisdiction. However, they escaped at

   length, and king Agrippa forgave them their offenses. And this was the conclusion of what concerned

   these men.

   32. But as for the inhabitants of the city of Tiberias, they wrote to the king, and desired him to send

   them forces sufficient to be a guard to their country; for that they were desirous to come over to him:

   this was what they wrote to him. But when I came to them, they desired me to build their walls, as I

   had promised them to do; for they had heard that the walls of Tarichess were already built. I agreed

   to their proposal accordingly; and when I had made preparation for the entire building, I gave order to

   the architects to go to work; but on the third day, when I was gone to Tarichess, which was thirty

   furlongs distant from Tiberias, it so fell out, that some Roman horsemen were discovered on their

   march, not far from the city, which made it to be supposed that the forces were come from the king;

   upon which they shouted, and lifted up their voices in commendations of the king, and in reproaches

   against me. Hereupon one came running to me, and told me what their dispositions were, and that

   they had resolved to revolt from me: upon hearing which news I was very much alarmed; for I had

   already sent away my armed men from Tarichess, to their own homes, because the next day was our

   sabbath; for I would not have the people of Tarichess disturbed [on that day] by a multitude of

   soldiers; and indeed, whenever I sojourned at that city, I never took any particular care for a guard

   about my own body, because I had had frequent instances of the fidelity its inhabitants bore to me.

   I had now about me no more than seven armed men, besides some friends, and was doubtful what to

   do; for to send to recall my own forces I did not think proper, because the present day was almost

   over; and had those forces been with me, I could not take up arms on the next day, because our laws

   forbade us so to do, even though our necessity should be very great; and if I should permit the people

   of Tarichess, and the strangers with them, to guard the city, I saw that they would not be sufficient

   for that purpose, and I perceived that I should be obliged to delay my assistance a great while; for I

   thought with myself that the forces that came from the king would prevent me, and that I should be

   driven out of the city. I considered, therefore, how to get clear of these forces by a stratagem; so I

   immediately placed those my friends of Tarichee, on whom I could best confide, at the gates, to

   watch those very carefully who went out at those gates: I also called to me the heads of families, and

   bade every one of them to seize upon a ship (14) to go on board it, and to take a master with them,

   and follow him to the city of Tiberias. I also myself went on board one of those ships, with my

   friends, and the seven armed men already mentioned, and sailed for Tiberias.

   33. But now, when the people of Tiberias perceived that there were no forces come from the king,

   and yet saw the whole lake full of ships, they were in fear what would become of their city, and were

   greatly terrified, as supposing that the ships were full of men on board; so they then changed their

   minds, and threw down their weapons, and met me with their wives and children, and made

   acclamations to me with great commendations; for they imagined that I did not know their former

   inclinations [to have been against me]; so they persuaded me to spare the city. But when I was come

   near enough, I gave order to the masters of the ships to cast anchor a good way off the land, that the

   people of Tiberias might not perceive that the ships had no men on board; but I went nearer to the

   people in one of the ships, and rebuked them for their folly, and that they were so fickle as, without

   any just occasion in the world, to revolt from their fidelity to me. However, assured them that I would

   entirely forgive them for the time to come, if they would send ten of the ringleaders of the multitude

   to me; and when they complied readily with this proposal, and sent me the men forementioned, I put

   them on board a ship, and sent them away to Tarichese; and ordered them to be kept in prison.

   34. And by this stratagem it was that I gradually got all the senate of Tiberias into my power, and

   sent them to the city forementioned, with many of the principal men among the populace, and those

   not fewer in number than the other. But when the multitude saw into what great miseries they had

   brought themselves, they desired me to punish the author of this sedition: his name was Clitus, a

   young man, bold and rash in his undertakings. Now, since I thought it not agreeable to piety to put one

   of my own people to death, and yet found it necessary to punish him, I ordered Levi, one of my own

   guards, to go to him, and cut off one of Clitus's hands; but as he that was ordered to do this, was

   afraid to go out of the ship alone, among 'so great a multitude, I was not willing that the timorousness

   of the soldier should appear to the people of Tiberias. So I called to Clitus himself and said to him,

        "Since thou deservest to lose both thine hands for thy ingratitude to me, be thou thine

        own executioner, lest, if thou refusest so to be, thou undergo a worse punishment."

   And when he earnestly begged of me to spare him one of his hands, it was with difficulty that I

   granted it. So, in order to prevent the loss of both his hands, he willingly took his sword, and cut off

   his own left hand; and this put an end to the sedition.

   35. Now the men of Tiberias, after I was gone to Taricheae, perceived what stratagem I had used

   against them, and they admired how I had put an end to their foolish sedition, without shedding of

   blood. But now, when I had sent for some of those multitudes of the people of Tiberias out of prison,

   among whom were Justus and his father Pistus, I made them to sup with me; and during our supper

   time I said to them, that I knew the power of the Romans was superior to all others, but did not say

   so [publicly] because of the robbers. So I advised them to do as I did, and to wait for a proper

   opportunity, and not to be uneasy at my being their commander; for that they could not expect to

   have another who would use the like moderation that I had done. I also put Justus in mind how the

   Galileans had cut off his brother's hands before ever I came to Jerusalem, upon an accusation laid

   against him, as if he had been a rogue, and had forged some letters; as also how the people of

   Gamala, in a sedition they raised against the Babylonians, after the departure of Philip, slew Chares,

   who was a kinsman of Philip, and withal how they had wisely punished Jesus, his brother Justuses

   sister's husband [with death]. When I had said this to them during supper time, I in the morning

   ordered Justus, and all the rest that were in prison, to be loosed out of it, and sent away.

   36. But before this, it happened that Philip, the son of Jacimus, went out of the citadel of Gamala

   upon the following occasion: When Philip had been informed that Varus was put out of his

   government by king Agrippa, and that Equieulus Modius, a man that was of old his friend and

   companion, was come to succeed him, he wrote to him, and related what turns of fortune he had had,

   and desired him to forward the letters he sent to the king and queen. Now, when Modius had

   received these letters, he was exceedingly glad, and sent the letters to the king and queen, who were

   then about Berytus. But when king Agrippa knew that the story about Philip was false, (for it had

   been given out, that the Jews had begun a war with the Romans, and that this Philip had been their

   commander in that war,) he sent some horsemen to conduct Philip to him; and when he was come,

   he saluted him very obligingly, and showed him to the Roman commanders, and told them that this

   was the man of whom the report had gone about as if he had revolted from the Romans. He also bid

   him to take some horsemen with him, and to go quickly to the citadel of Gamala, and to bring out

   thence all his domestics, and to restore the Babylonians to Batanea again. He also gave it him in

   charge to take all possible care that none of his subjects should be guilty of making any innovation.

   Accordingly, upon these directions from the king, he made haste to do what he was commanded.

   37. Now there was one Joseph, the son of a female physician, who excited a great many young men

   to join with him. He also insolently addressed himself to the principal persons at Gamala, and

   persuaded them to revolt from the king; and take up arms, and gave them hopes that they should, by

   his means, recover their liberty. And some they forced into the service, and those that would not

   acquiesce in what they had resolved on, they slew. They also slew Chares, and with him Jesus, one

   of his kinsmen, and a brother of Justus of Tiberias, as we have already said. Those of Gamala also

   wrote to me, desiring me to send them an armed force, and workmen to raise up the walls of their

   city; nor did I reject either of their requests. The region of Gaulanitis did also revolt from the king, as

   far as the village Solyma. I also built a wall about Seleucia and Soganni, which are villages naturally

   of ver great strength. Moreover, I, in like manner, walled several villages of Upper Galilee, though

   they were very rocky of themselves. Their names are Jamnia, and Meroth, and Achabare. I also

   fortified, in the Lower Galilee, the cities Tarichee, Tiberias, Sepphoris, and the villages, the cave of

   Arbela, Bersobe, Selamin, Jotapata, Capharecho, and Sigo, and Japha, and Mount Tabor. (15) I also

   laid up a great quantity of corn in these places, and arms withal, that might be for their security

   afterward.

   38. But the hatred that John, the son of Levi, bore to me, grew now more violent, while he could not

   bear my prosperity with patience. So he proposed to himself, by all means possible, to make away

   with me; and built the walls of Gischala, which was the place of his nativity. He then sent his brother

   Simon, and Jonathan, the son of Sisenna, and about a hundred armed men, to Jerusalem, to Simon, the

   son of Gamaliel, (16) in order to persuade him to induce the commonalty of Jerusalem to take from

   me the government over the Galileans, and to give their suffrages for conferring that authority upon

   him. This Simon was of the city of Jerusalem, and of a very noble family of the sect of the Pharisees,

   which are supposed to excel others in the accurate knowledge of the laws of their country. He was a

   man of great wisdom and reason, and capable of restoring public affairs by his prudence, when they

   were in an ill posture. He was also an old friend and companion of John; but at that time he had a

   difference with me. When therefore he had received such an exhortation, he persuaded the high

   priests, Ananus, and Jesus the son of Gamala, and some others of the same seditious faction, to cut

   me down, now I was growing so great, and not to overlook me while I was aggrandizing myself to

   the height of glory; and he said that it would be for the advantage of the Galileans, if I were deprived

   of my government there. Ananus also, and his friends, desired them to make no delay about the

   matter, lest I should get the knowledge of what was doing too soon, and should come and make an

   assault upon the city with a great army. This was the counsel of Simon; but Artanus the high priest

   demonstrated to them that this was not an easy thing to be done, because many of the high priests

   and of the rulers of the people bore witness that I had acted like an excellent general, and that it was

   the work of ill men to accuse one against whom they had nothing to say.

   39. When Simon heard Ananus say this, he desired that the messengers would conceal the thing, and

   not let it come among many; for that he would take care to have Josephus removed out of Galilee

   very quickly. So he called for John's brother, [Simon,] and charged him that they should send presents

   to Ananus and his friends; for, as he said, they might probably by that means persuade them to

   change their minds. And indeed Simon did at length thus compass what he aimed at; for Artanus, and

   those with him, being corrupted by bribes, agreed to expel me out of Galilee, without making the rest

   of the citizens acquainted with what they were doing. Accordingly, they resolved to send men of

   distinction as to their families, and of distinction as to their learning also. Two of these were of the

   populace, Jonathan (17) and Ananias, by sect Pharisees; while the third, Jozar, was of the stock of

   the priests, and a Pharisee also; and Simon, the last of them, was of the youngest of the high priests.

   These had it given them in charge, that, when they were come to the multitude of the Galileans, they

   should ask them, what was the reason of their love to me? and if they said that it was because I was

   born at Jerusalem, that they should reply, that they four were all born at the same place; and if they

   should say, it was because I was well versed in their law, they should reply, that neither were they

   unacquainted with the practices of their country; but if, besides these, they should say, they loved me

   because I was a priest, they should reply, that two of these were priests also.

   40. Now, when they had given Jonathan and his companions these instructions, they gave them forty

   thousand [drachmae] out of the public money: but when they heard that there was a certain Galilean

   that then sojourned at Jerusalem, whose name was Jesus, who had about him a band of six hundred

   armed men, they sent for him, and gave him three months pay, and gave him orders to follow

   Jonathan and his companions, and be obedient to them. They also gave money to three hundred men

   that were citizens of Jerusalem, to maintain them all, and ordered them also to follow the

   ambassadors; and when they had complied, and were gotten ready for the march, Jonathan and his

   companions went out with them, having along with them John's brother and a hundred armed men.

   The charge that was given them by those that sent them was this: That if I would voluntarily lay

   down my arms, they should send me alive to the city of Jerusalem; but that, in case I opposed them,

   they should kill me, and fear nothing; for that it was their command for them so to do. They also

   wrote to John to make all ready for fighting me, and gave orders to the inhabitants of Sepphoris, and

   Gabara, and Tiberins, to send auxiliaries to John.

   41. Now, as my father wrote me an account of this, (for Jesus the son of Gamala, who was present

   in that council, a friend and companion of mine, told him of it,) I was very much troubled, as

   discovering thereby that my fellow citizens proved so ungrateful to me, as, out of envy, to give order

   that I should be slain: my father earnestly pressed me also in his letter to come to him, for that he

   longed to see his son before he died. I informed my friends of these things, and that in three days'

   time I should leave the country, and go home. Upon hearing this, they were all very sorry, and desired

   me, with tears in their eyes, not to leave them to be destroyed; for so they thought they should be, if I

   were deprived of the command over them: but as I did not grant their request, but was taking care of

   my own safety, the Galileans, out of their dread of the consequence of my departure, that they should

   then be at the mercy of the robbers, sent messengers over all Galilee to inform them of my resolution

   to leave them. Whereupon, as soon as they heard it, they got together in great numbers, from all

   parts, with their wives and children; and this they did, as it appeared to me, not more out of their

   affection to me, than out of their fear on their own account; for while I staid with them, they

   supposed that they should suffer no harm. So they all came into the great plain, wherein I lived, the

   name of which was Asochis.

   42. But wonderful it was what a dream I saw that very night; for when I had betaken myself to my

   bed, as grieved and disturbed at the news that had been written to me, it seemed to me, that a certain

   person stood by me, (18) and said,

        "O Josephus! leave off to afflict thy soul, and put away all fear; for what now grieves

        thee will render thee very considerable, and in all respects most happy; for thou shalt

        get over not only these difficulties, but many others, with great success. However, be

        not cast down, but remember that thou art to fight with the Romans."

   When I had seen this dream, I got up with an intention of going down to the plain. Now, when the

   whole multitude of the Galileans, among whom were the women and children, saw me, they threw

   themselves down upon their faces, and, with tears in their eyes, besought me not to leave them

   exposed to their enemies, nor to go away and permit their country to be injured by them. But when I

   did not comply, with their entreaties, they compelled me to take an oath, that I would stay with them:

   they also cast abundance of reproaches upon the people of Jerusalem, that they would not let their

   country enjoy peace.

   43. When I heard this, and saw what sorrow the people were in, I was moved with compassion to

   them, and thought it became me to undergo the most manifest hazards for the sake of so great a

   multitude; so I let them know I would stay with them. And when I had given order that five thousand

   off them should come to me armed, and with provisions for their maintenance, I sent the rest away to

   their own homes; and when those five thousand were come, I took them, together with three

   thousand of the soldiers that were with me before, and eighty horsemen, and marched to the village

   of Chabolo, situated in the confines of Ptolimias, and there kept my forces together, pretending to get

   ready to fight with Placidus, who was come with two cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen,

   and was sent thither by Cestius Gallus to burn those villages of Galilee that were near Ptolemais.

   Upon whose casting up a bank before the city Ptolemais, I also pitched my camp at about the

   distance of sixty furlongs from that village. And now we frequently brought out our forces as if we

   would fight, but proceeded no further than skirmishes at a distance; for when Placidus perceived that

   I was earnest to come to a battle, he was afraid, and avoided it. Yet did he not remove from the

   neighborhood of Ptolemais.

   Footnotes

   (12) How Josephus could say here that the Jewish laws forbade them to spoil even their enemies,

   while yet, a little before his time, our Savior had mentioned it as then a current maxim with them,

        "Thou shalt love thy neighbor, and hate thine enemy," (Matthew 5:43)

   is worth our inquiry. I take it that Josephus, having been now for many years an Ebionite Christian,

   had learned this interpretation of the law of Moses from Christ, whom he owned for the true Melah,

   as it follows in the succeeding verses, which, though he might not read in St. Matthew's Gospel, yet

   might he have read much the same exposition in their own Ebionite or Nazarene Gospel itself; of

   which improvements made by Josephus, after he was become a Christian, we have already had

   several examples in this his Life, sect. 3, 13, 15, 19, 21, 23, and shall have many more therein before

   its conclusion, as well as we have them elsewhere in all his later writings.

   (13) Here we may observe the vulgar Jewish notion of witchcraft, but that our Josephus was too

   wise to give any countenance to it.

   (14) In this section, as well as in the 18 and 33. those small vessels that sailed on the sea of Galilee,

   are called by Josephus Nees, and Ploia, and Skaphai; i.e. plainly ships; so that we need not wander

   at our evangelists, who still call them ships; nor ought we to render them boats, as some do, Their

   number was in all 230, as we learn from our author elsewhere. Jewish War. B. II. ch. 21. sect. 8.

   (15) Part of these fortifications on Mount Tabor may be those still remaining, and which were seen

   lately by Mr. Maundrel. See his Travels, p. 112.

   (16) This Gamaliel may be the very same that is mentioned by the rabbins in the Mishna, in Juchasin,

   and in Porta Mosis, as is observed in the Latin notes. He might be also that Gamaliel II., whose

   grandfather was Gamaliel I., who is mentioned in Acts 5:34, and at whose feet St. Paul was brought

   up, Acts 22:3. See Prid. at the year 449.

   (17) This Jonathan is also taken notice of in the Latin notes, as the same that is mentioned by the

   rabbins in Porta Mosis.

   (18) This I take to be the first of Josephus's remarkable or divine dreams, which were predictive of

   the great things that afterwards came to pass; of which see more in the note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 8.

   sect. 9. The other is in the War, B. III. ch. 8. sect. 3, 9.

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                             Autobiography ‑

                      The Life Of Flavius Josephus

                            Translated by William Whiston

                                    Part 3

   44. About this time it was that Jonathan and his fellow legates came. They were sent, as we have

   said already, by Simon, and Ananus the high priest. And Jonathan contrived how he might catch me

   by treachery; for he durst not make any attempt upon me openly. So he wrote me the following

   epistle:

        "Jonathan and those that are with him, and are sent by the people of Jerusalem, to

        Josephus, send greeting. We are sent by the principal men of Jerusalem, who have

        heard that John of Gischala hath laid many snares for thee, to rebuke him, and to exhort

        him to be subject to thee hereafter. We are also desirous to consult with thee about our

        common concerns, and what is fit to be done. We therefore desire thee to come to us

        quickly, and to bring only a few men with thee; for this village will not contain a great

        number of soldiers."

   Thus it was that they wrote, as expecting one of these two things; either that I should come without

   armed men, and then they should have me wholly in their power; or, if I came with a great number,

   they should judge me to be a public enemy. Now it was a horseman who brought the letter, a man at

   other times bold, and one that had served in the army under the king. It was the second hour of the

   night that he came, when I was feasting with my friends, and the principal of the Galileans. This man,

   upon my servant's telling me that a certain horseman of the Jewish nation was come, was called in at

   my command, but did not so much as salute me at all, but held out a letter, and said,

        "This letter is sent thee by those that are come from Jerusalem; do thou write an

        answer to it quickly; for I am obliged to return to them very soon. Now my guests could

        not but wonder at the boldness of the soldier. But I desired him to sit down and sup with

        us; but when he refused so to do, I held the letter in my hands as I received it, and fell a

        talking with my guests about other matters. But a few hours afterwards, I got up, and

        when I had dismissed the rest to go to their beds, I bid only four of my intimate friends

        to stay, and ordered my servant to get some wine ready. I also opened the letter so, that

        nobody could perceive it; and understanding thereby presently the purport× of the

        writing, I sealed it up again, and appeared as if I had not yet read it, but only held it in

        my hands. I ordered twenty drachmae should be given the soldier for the charges of his

        journey; and when he took the money, and said that he thanked me for it, I perceived

        that he loved money, and that he was to be caught chiefly by that means; and I said to

        him, 'If thou wilt but drink with us, thou shalt have a drachma for every glass thou

        drinkest.'

        So he gladly embraced this proposal, and drank a great deal of wine, in order to get the

        more money, and was so drunk, that at last he could not keep the secrets he was

        intrusted with, but discovered them without my putting questions to him, viz. That a

        treacherous design was contrived against me, and that I was doomed to die by those

        that sent him. When I heard this, I wrote back this answer: "Josephus to Jonathan, and

        those that are with him, sendeth greeting. Upon the information that you are come in

        health into Galilee, I rejoice, and this especially because I can now resign the care of

        public affairs here into your hands, and return into my native country, which is what I

        have desired to do a great while; and I confess I ought not only to come to you as far

        as Xaloth, but farther, and this without your commands. But I desire you to excuse me,

        because I cannot do it now, since I watch the motions of Placidus, who hath a mind to

        go up into Galilee; and this I do here at Chabolo. Do you therefore, on the receipt of this

        epistle, come hither to me. Fare you well."

   45. When I had written thus, and given the letter to be carried by the soldier, I sent along with him

   thirty of the Galileans of the best characters, and gave them instructions to salute those ambassadors,

   but to say nothing else to them. I also gave orders to as many of those armed men, whom I esteemed

   most faithful to me, to go along with the others, every one with him whom he was to guard, lest some

   conversation might pass between those whom I sent and those who were with Jonathan. So those

   men went [to Jonathan]. But when Jonathan and his partners had failed in this their first attempt, they

   sent me another letter, the contents whereof were as follows:

        "Jonathan, and those with him, to Josephus, send greeting. We require thee to come to

        us to the village Gabaroth, on the third day, without any armed men, that we may hear

        what thou hast to lay to the charge of John [of Gischala]."

   When they had written this letter, they saluted the Galileans whom I sent, and came to Japha, which

   was the largest village of all Galilee, and encompassed with very strong walls, and had a great

   number of inhabitants in it. There the multitude of men, with their wives and children, met them, and

   exclaimed loudly against them; and desired them to be gone, and not to envy them the advantage of

   an excellent commander. With these clamors Jonathan and his partners were greatly provoked,

   although they durst not show their anger openly; so they made them no answer, but went to other

   villages. But still the same clamors met them from all the people, who said,

        "Nobody should persuade them to have any other commander besides Josephus."

   So Jonathan and his partners went away from them without success, and came to Sepphoris, the

   greatest city of all Galilee. Now the men of that city, who inclined to the Romans in their sentiments,

   met them indeed, but neither praised nor reproached me and when they were gone down from

   Sepphoris to Asochis, the people of that place made a clamor against them, as those of Japha had

   done; whereupon they were able to contain themselves no longer, but ordered the armed men that

   were with them to beat those that made the clamor with their clubs. And when they came to Gabara,

   John met them with three thousand armed men; but, as I understood by their letter that they had

   resolved to fight against me, I arose from Chabolo, with three thousand armed men also; but left in

   my camp one of my fastest friends, and came to Jotapata, as desirous to be near them, the distance

   being no more than forty furlongs. Whence I wrote thus to them:

        "If you are very desirous that I should come to you, you know there are two hundred

        and forty cities and villages in Galilee; I will come to any of them which you please,

        excepting Gaburn and Gischala; the one of which is John's native city, and the other in

        confederacy and friendship with him."

   46. When Jonathan and his partners had received this letter, they wrote me no more answers, but

   called a council of their friends together; and taking John into their consultation, they took counsel

   together by what means they might attack me. John's opinion was, that they should write to all the

   cities and villages that were in Galilee; for that there must be certainly one or two persons in every

   one of them that were at variance with me, and that they should be invited to come to oppose me as

   an enemy. He would also have them send this resolution of theirs to the city of Jerusalem, that its

   citizens, upon the knowledge of my being adjudged to be an enemy by the Galileans, might

   themselves I also confirm that determination. He said also, that when this was done, even those

   Galileans who were well affected to me, would desert me out of fear.

   When John had given them this counsel, what he had said was very agreeable to the rest of them. I

   was also made acquainted with these affairs about the third hour of the night, by the means of one

   Saccheus, who had belonged to them, but now deserted them and came over to me, and told me what

   they were about; so I perceived that no time was to be lost. Accordingly, I gave command to Jacob,

   an armed man of my guard, whom I esteemed faithful to me, to take two hundred men, and to guard

   the passages that led from Gahara to Galilee, and to seize upon the passengers, and send them to me,

   especially such as were caught with letters about them: I also sent Jeremias himself, one of my

   friends, with six hundred armed men, to the borders of Galilee, in order to watch the roads that led

   from this country to the city Jerusalem, and gave him charge to lay hold of such as traveled with

   letters about them, to keep the men in bonds upon the place, but to send me the letters.

   47. When I had laid these commands upon them, I gave them orders, and bid them take their arms

   and bring three days' provision with them, and be with me the next day. I also parted those that were

   about me into four parts, and ordained those of them that were most faithful to me to be a guard to

   my body. I also set over them centurions, and commanded them to take care that not a soldier which

   they did not know should mingle himself among them. Now, on the fifth day following, when I was at

   Gabaroth, I found the entire plain that was before the village full of armed men, who were come out

   of Galilee to assist me: many others of the multitude, also, out of the village, ran along with me. But

   as soon as I had taken my place, and began to speak to them, they all made an acclamation, and

   called me the benefactor and savior of the country. And when I had made them my

   acknowledgments, and thanked them [for their affection to me], I also advised them to fight with

   nobody, (19) nor to spoil the country; but to pitch their tents in the plain, and be content with their

   sustenance they had brought with them; for I told them that I had a mind to compose these troubles

   without shedding any blood. Now it came to pass, that on the very same day those who were sent by

   John with letters, fell among the guards whom I had appointed to watch the roads; so the men were

   themselves kept upon the place, as my orders were, but I got the letters, which were full of

   reproaches and lies; and I intended to fall upon these men, without saying a word of these matters to

   any body.

   48. Now, as soon as Jonathan and his companions heard of my coming, they took all their own

   friends, and John with them, and retired to the house of Jesus, which indeed was a large castle, and

   no way unlike a citadel; so they privately laid a band of armed men therein, and shut all the other

   doors but one, which they kept open, and they expected that I should come out of the road to them, to

   salute them. And indeed they had given orders to the armed men, that when I came they should let

   nobody besides me come in, but should exclude others; as supposing that, by this means, they should

   easily get me under their power: but they were deceived in their expectation; for I perceived what

   snares they had laid for me. Now, as soon as I was got off my journey, I took up my lodgings over

   against them, and pretended to be asleep; so Jonathan and his party, thinking that I was really asleep

   and at rest, made haste to go down into the plain, to persuade the people that I was an ill governor.

   But the matter proved otherwise; for, upon their appearance, there was a cry made by the Galileans

   immediately, declaring their good opinion of me as their governor; and they made a clamor against

   Jonathan and his partners for coming to them when they had suffered no harm, and as though they

   would overturn their happy settlement; and desired them by all means to go back again, for that they

   would never be persuaded to have any other to rule over them but myself. When I heard of this, I did

   not fear to go down into the midst of them; I went, therefore, myself down presently to hear what

   Jonathan and his companions said. As soon as I appeared, there was immediately an acclamation

   made to me by the whole multitude, and a cry in my commendation by them, who confessed their

   thanks was owing to me for my good government of them.

   49. When Jonathan and his companions heard this, they were in fear of their own lives, and in danger

   lest they should be assaulted by the Galileans on nay account; so they contrived how they might run

   away. But as they were not able to get off, for I desired them to stay, they looked down with concern

   at my words to them. I ordered, therefore, the multitude to restrain entirely their acclamations, and

   placed the most faithful of my armed men upon the avenues, to be a guard to us, lest John should

   unexpected fall upon us; and I encouraged the Galileans to take their weapons, lest they should be

   disturbed at their enemies, if any sudden insult should be made upon them. And then, in the first

   place, I put Jonathan and his partners in mind of their [former] letter, and after what manner they had

   written to me, and declared they were sent by the common consent to the people of Jerusalem, to

   make up the differences I had with John, and how they had desired me to come to them; and as I

   spake thus, I publicly showed that letter they had written, till they could not at all deny what they had

   done, the letter itself convicting them. I then said,

        "O Jonathan! and you that are sent with him as his colleagues, if I were to be judged as

        to my behavior, compared with that of John's, and had brought no more than two or

        three witnesses, (20) good men and true, it is plain you had been forced, upon the

        examination of their characters beforehand, to discharge the accusations: that therefore

        you may be informed that I have acted well in the affairs of Galilee, I think three

        witnesses too few to be brought by a man that hath done as he ought to do; so I gave

        you all these for witnesses. Inquire of them (21) how I have lived, and whether I have

        not behaved myself with all decency, and after a virtuous manner, among them. And I

        further conjure you, O Galileans! to hide no part of the truth, but to speak before these

        men as before judges, whether I have in any thing acted otherwise than well."

   50. While I was thus speaking, the united voices of all the people joined together, and called me their

   benefactor and savior, and attested to my former behavior, and exhorted me to continue so to do

   hereafter; and they all said, upon their oaths, that their wives had been preserved free from injuries,

   and that no one had ever been aggrieved by me. After this, I read to the Galileans two of those

   epistles which had been sent by Jonathan and his colleagues, and which those whom I had appointed

   to guard the road had taken, and sent to me. These were full of reproaches, and of lies, as if I had

   acted more like a tyrant than a governor against them, with many other things besides therein

   contained, which were no better indeed than impudent falsities. I also informed the multitude how I

   came by these letters, and that those who carried them delivered them up voluntarily; for I was not

   willing that my enemies should know any thing of the guards I had set, lest they should be afraid, and

   leave off writing hereafter.

   51. When the multitude heard these things, they were greatly provoked at Jonathan, and his

   colleagues that were with him, and were going to attack them, and kill them; and this they had

   certainly done, unless I had restrained the anger of the Galileans, and said, that

        "I forgave Jonathan and his colleagues what was past, if they would repent, and go to

        their own country, and tell those who sent them the truth, as to my conduct."

   When I had said this, I let them go, although I knew they would do nothing of what they had

   promised. But the multitude were very much enraged against them, and entreated me to give them

   leave to punish them for their insolence; yet did I try all methods to persuade them to spare the men;

   for I knew that every instance of sedition was pernicious to the public welfare. But the multitude was

   too angry with them to be dissuaded, and all of them went immediately to the house in which

   Jonathan and his colleagues abode. However, when I perceived that their rage could not be

   restrained, I got on horseback, and ordered the multitude to follow me to the village Sogane, which

   was twenty furlongs off Gabara; and by using this stratagem, I so managed myself, as not to appear

   to begin a civil war ,amongst them.

   52. But when I was come near Sogane, I caused the multitude to make a halt, and exhorted them not

   to be so easily provoked to anger, and to the inflicting such punishments as could not be afterwards

   recalled: I also gave order, that a hundred men, who were already in years, and were principal men

   among them, should get themselves ready to go to the city of Jerusalem, and should make a complaint

   before the people of such as raised seditions in the country. And I said to them, that

        "in case they be moved with what you say, you shall desire the community to write to

        me, and to enjoin me to continue in Galilee, and to order Jonathan and his colleagues to

        depart out of it."

   When I had suggested these instructions to them, and while they were getting themselves ready as

   fast as they could, I sent them on this errand the third day after they had been assembled: I also sent

   five hundred armed men with them [as a guard]. I then wrote to my friends in Samaria, to take care

   that they might safely pass through the country: for Samaria was already under the Romans, and it

   was absolutely necessary for those that go quickly [to Jerusalem] to pass through that country; for in

   that road you may, in three days' time, go from Galilee to Jerusalem. I also went myself, and

   conducted the old men as far as the bounds of Galilee, and set guards in the roads, that it might not be

   easily known by any one that these men were gone. And when I had thus done, I went and abode at

   Japha.

   53. Now Jonathan and his colleagues, having failed of accomplishing what they would have done

   against me, sent John back to Gischala, but went themselves to the city of Tiberias, expecting it

   would submit itself to them; and this was founded on a letter which Jesus, their then governor, had

   written them, promising that, if they came, the multitude would receive them, and choose to be under

   their government; so they went their ways with this expectation. But Silas, who, as I said, had been

   left curator of Tiberias by me, informed me of this, and desired me to make haste thither.

   Accordingly, I complied with his advice immediately, and came thither; but found myself in danger of

   my life, from the following occasion: Jonathan and his colleagues had been at Tiberias, and had

   persuaded a great many of such as had a quarrel with me to desert me; but when they heard of my

   coming, they were in fear for themselves, and came to me; and when they had saluted me, they said,

   that I was a happy man in having behaved myself so well in the government of Galilee; and they

   congratulated me upon the honors that were paid me: for they said that my glory was a credit to

   them, since they had been my teachers and fellow citizens; and they said further, that it was but just

   that they should prefer my friendship to them rather than John's, and that they would have

   immediately gone home, but that they staid that they might deliver up John into my power; and when

   they said this they took their oaths of it, and those such as are most tremendous amongst us, and such

   as I did not think fit to disbelieve. However, they desired me to lodge some where else, because the

   next day was the sabbath, and that it was not fit the city of Tiberias should be disturbed [on that day].

   54. So I suspected nothing, and went away to Tarichese; yet did I withal leave some to make inquiry

   in the city how matters went, and whether any thing was said about me: I also set many persons all

   the way that led from Tarichese to Tiberias, that they might communicate from one to another, if they

   learned any news from those that were left in the city. On the next day, therefore, they all came into

   the Proseucha; (22) it was a large edifice, and capable of receiving a great number of people; thither

   Jonathan went in, and though he durst not openly speak of a revolt, yet did he say that their city stood

   in need of a better governor than it then had. But Jesus, who was the ruler, made no scruple to speak

   out, and said openly,

        "O fellow citizens! it is better for you to be in subjection to four than to one; and those

        such as are of high birth, and not without reputation for their wisdom;"

   and pointed to Jonathan and his colleagues. Upon his saying this, Justus came in and commended him

   for what he had said, and persuaded some of the people to be of his mind also. But the multitude

   were not pleased with what was said, and had certainly gone into a tumult, unless the sixth hour,

   which was now come, had dissolved the assembly, at which hour our laws require us to go to dinner

   on sabbath days; so Jonathan and his colleagues put off their council till the next day, and went off

   without success. When I was informed of these affairs, I determined to go to the city of Tiberias in

   the morning. Accordingly, on the next day, about the first hour of the day, I came from Tarichee, and

   found the multitude already assembled in the Proseucha; but on what account they were gotten

   together, those that were assembled did not know. But when Jonathan and his colleagues saw me

   there unexpectedly, they were in disorder; after which they raised a report of their own contrivance,

   that Roman horsemen were seen at a place called Union, in the borders of Galilee, thirty furlongs

   distant from the city. Upon which report, Jonathan and his colleagues cunningly exhorted me not to

   neglect this matter, nor to suffer the land to be spoiled by the enemy. And this they said with a design

   to remove me out of the city, under the pretense of the want of extraordinary assistance, while they

   might dispose the city to be my enemy.

   55. As for myself, although I knew of their design, yet did I comply with what they proposed, lest the

   people of Tiberias should have occasion to suppose that I was not careful of their security. I

   therefore went out; but, when I was at the place, I found not the least footsteps of any enemy, so I

   returned as fast as ever I could, and found the whole council assembled, and the body of the people

   gotten together, and Jonathan and his colleagues bringing vehement accusations against me, as one

   who had no concern to ease them of the burdens of war, and as one that lived luxuriously. And as

   they were discoursing thus, they produced four letters, as written to them from some people that lived

   at the borders of Galilee, imploring that they would come to their assistance, for that there was an

   army of Romans, both horsemen and footmen, who would come and lay waste the country on the

   third day; they desired them also to make haste, and not to overlook them. When the people of

   Tiberias heard this, they thought they spake truth, and made a clamor against me, and said I ought not

   to sit still, but to go away to the assistance of their countrymen.

   Hereupon I said (for I understood the meaning of Jonathan and his colleagues) that I was ready to

   comply with what they proposed, and without delay to march to the war which they spake of, yet did

   I advise them, at the same time, that since these letters declared that the Romans would make their

   assault in four several places, they should part their forces into five bodies, and make Jonathan and

   his colleagues generals of each body of them, because it was fit for brave men, not only to give

   counsel, but to take the place of leaders, and assist their countrymen when such a necessity pressed

   them; for, said I, it is not possible for me to lead more than one party. This advice of mine greatly

   pleased the multitude; so they compelled them to go forth to the war. But their designs were put into

   very much disorder, because they had not done what they had designed to do, on account of my

   stratagem, which was opposite to their undertakings.

   56. Now there was one whose name was Ananias (a wicked man he was, and very mischievous);

   he proposed that a general religious fast (23) should be appointed the next day for all the people, and

   gave order that at the same hour they should come to the same place, without any weapons, to make

   it manifest before God, that while they obtained his assistance, they thought all these weapons

   useless. This he said, not out of piety, but that they might catch me and my friends unarmed. Now, I

   was hereupon forced to comply, lest I should appear to despise a proposal that tended to piety. As

   soon, therefore, as we were gone home, Jonathan and his colleagues wrote to John to come to them

   in the morning, and desiring him to come with as many soldiers as he possibly could, for that they

   should then be able easily to get me into their hands, and to do all they desired to do. When John had

   received this letter, he resolved to comply with it. As for myself, on the next day, I ordered two of the

   guards of my body, whom I esteemed the most courageous and most faithful, to hide daggers under

   their garments, and to go along with me, that we might defend ourselves, if any attack should be

   made upon us by our enemies. I also myself took my breastplate, and girded on my sword, so that it

   might be, as far as it was possible, concealed, and came into the Proseucha.

   57. Now Jesus, who was the ruler, commanded that they should exclude all that came with me, for

   he kept the door himself, and suffered none but his friends to go in. And while we were engaged in

   the duties of the day, and had betaken ourselves to our prayers, Jesus got up, and inquired of me

   what was become of the vessels that were taken out of the king's palace, when it was burnt down

   [and] of that uncoined silver; and in whose possession they now were? This he said, in order to drive

   away time till John should come. I said that Capellus, and the ten principal men of Tiberias, had them

   all; and I told him that they might ask them whether I told a lie or not. And when they said they had

   them, he asked me, What is become of those twenty pieces of gold which thou didst receive upon the

   sale of a certain weight of uncoined money? I replied, that I had given them to those ambassadors of

   theirs, as a maintenance for them, when they were sent by them to Jerusalem. So Jonathan and his

   colleagues said that I had not done well to pay the ambassadors out of the public money. And when

   the multitude were very angry at them for this, for they perceived the wickednes of the men, I

   understood that a tumult was going to arise; and being desirous to provoke the people to a greater

   rage against the men, I said,

        "But if I have not done well in paying our ambassadors out of the public stock, leave off

        your anger at me, for I will repay the twenty pieces of gold myself."

   58. When I had said this, Jonathan and his colleagues held their peace; but the people were still more

   irritated against them, upon their openly showing their unjust ill‑will to me. When Jesus saw this

   change in file people, he ordered them to depart, but desired the senate to stay; for that they could not

   examine things of such a nature in a tumult: and as the people were crying out that they would not

   leave me alone, there came one and told Jesus and his friends privately, that John and his armed men

   were at hand: whereupon Jonathan and his colleagues, being able to contain themselves no longer,

   (and perhaps the providence of God hereby procuring my deliverance, for had not this been so, I had

   certainly been destroyed by John,) said,

        "O you people of Tiberias! leave off this inquiry about the twenty pieces of gold; for

        Josephus hath not deserved to die for them; but he hath deserved it by his desire of

        tyrannizing, and by cheating the multitude of the Galileans with his speeches, in order to

        gain the dominion over them."

   When he had said this, they presently laid hands upon me, and endeavored to kill me: but as soon as

   those that were with me saw what they did, they drew their swords, and threatened to smite them, if

   they offered any violence to me. The people also took up stones, and were about to throw them at

   Jonathan; and so they snatched me from the violence of my enemies.

   59. But as I was gone out a little way, I was just upon meeting John, who was marching with his

   armed men. So I was afraid of him, and turned aside, and escaped by a narrow passage to the lake,

   and seized on a ship, and embarked in it, and sailed over to Tarichese. So, beyond my expectation, I

   escaped this danger. Whereupon I presently sent for the chief of the Galileans, and told them after

   what manner, against all faith given, I had been very near to destruction from Jonathan and his

   colleagues, and the people of Tiberias. Upon which the multitude of the Galileans were very angry,

   and encouraged me to delay no longer to make war upon them, but to permit them to go against John,

   and utterly to destroy him, as well as Jonathan and his colleagues. However, I restrained them,

   though they were in such a rage, and desired them to tarry a while, till we should be informed what

   orders those ambassadors, that were sent by them to the city of Jerusalem, should bring thence; for I

   told them that it was best for them to act according to their determination; whereupon they were

   prevailed on. At which time, also, John, when the snares he had laid did not take effect, returned

   back to Gischala.

   Footnotes

   (19) Josephus's directions to his soldiers here are much the same that John the Baptist gave, Luke

   3:14,

        "Do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely, and be content with your

        wages. "

   Whence Dr. Hudson confirms this conjecture, that Josephus, in some things, was, even now, a

   follower of John the Baptist, which is no way improbable. See the note on sect. 2.

   (20) We here learn the practice of the Jews, in the days of Josephus, to inquire into the characters of

   witnesses before they were admitted; and that their number ought to be three, or two at the least,

   also exactly as in the law of Moses, and in the Apostolical Constitutions, B. II. ch. 37. See Horeb

   Covenant Revived, page 97, 98.

   (21) This appeal to the whole body of the Galileans by Josephus, and the testimony they gave him of

   integrity in his conduct as their governor, is very like that appeal and testimony in the case of the

   prophet Samuel, 1 Samuel 12:1‑5, and perhaps was done by Josephus in imitation of him.

   (22) It is worth noting here, that there was now a great Proseucha, or place of prayer, in the city of

   Tiberias itself, though such Proseucha used to be out of cities, as the synagogues were within them.

   Of them, see Le Moyne on Polycarp's Epistle, page 76. It is also worth our remark, that the Jews, in

   the days of Josephus, used to dine at the sixth hour, or noon; and that in obedience to their notions of

   the law of Moses also.

   (23) One may observe here, that this lay Pharisee, Ananias, is we have seen he was, sect. 39, took

   upon him to appoint a fast at Tiberias, and was obeyed; though indeed it was not out of religion, but

   knavish policy.

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                             Autobiography ‑

                      The Life Of Flavius Josephus

                            Translated by William Whiston

                                    Part 4

   60. Now, in a few days, those ambassadors whom he had sent, came back again and informed us,

   that the people were greatly provoked at Ananus, and Simon the son of Gamaliel, and their friends;

   that, without any public determination, they had sent to Galilee, and had done their endeavors that I

   might be turned out of the government. The ambassadors said further, that the people were ready to

   burn their houses. They also brought letters, whereby the chief men of Jerusalem, at the earnest

   petition of the people, confirmed me in the government of Galilee, and enjoined Jonathan and his

   colleagues to return home quickly. When I had gotten these letters, I came to the village Arbela,

   where I procured an assembly of the Galileans to meet, and bid the ambassadors declare to them the

   anger of the people of Jerusalem at what had been done by Jonathan and his colleagues, and how

   much they hated their wicked doings, and how they had confirmed me in the government of their

   country, as also what related to the order they had in writing for Jonathan and his colleagues to return

   home. So I immediately sent them the letter, and bid him that carried it to inquire, as well as he could,

   how they intended to act [on this occasion.]

   61. Now, when they had received that letter, and were thereby greatly disturbed, they sent for John,

   and for the senators of Tiberias, and for the principal men of the Gabarens, and proposed to hold a

   council, and desired them to consider what was to be done by them. However, the governors of

   Tiberias were greatly disposed to keep the government to themselves; for they said it was not fit to

   desert their city, now it was committed to their trust, and that otherwise I should not delay to fall upon

   them; for they pretended falsely that so I had threatened to do. Now John was not only of their

   opinion, but advised them, that two of them should go to accuse me before the multitude [at

   Jerusalem], that I do not manage the affairs of Galilee as I ought to do; and that they would easily

   persuade the people, because of their dignity, and because the whole multitude are very mutable.

   When, therefore, it appeared that John had suggested the wisest advice to them, they resolved that

   two of them, Jonathan and Ananias, should go to the people of Jerusalem, and the other two [Simon

   and Joazar] should be left behind to tarry at Tiberins. They also took along with them a hundred

   soldiers for their guard.

   62. However, the governors of Tiberias took care to have their city secured with walls, and

   commanded their inhabitants to take their arms. They also sent for a great many soldiers from John,

   to assist them against me, if there should be occasion for them. Now John was at Gischala. Jonathan,

   therefore, and those that were with him, when they were departed from Tiberias, and as soon as they

   were come to Dabaritta, a village that lay in the utmost parts of Galilee, in the great plain, they, about

   midnight, fell among the guards I had set, who both commanded them to lay aside their weapons, and

   kept them in bonds upon the place, as I had charged them to do. This news was written to me by

   Levi, who had the command of that guard committed to him by me. Hereupon I said nothing of it for

   two days; and, pretending to know nothing about it, I sent a message to the people of Tiberias, and

   advised them to lay their arms aside, and to dismiss their men, that they might go home.

   But, supposing that Jonathan, and those that were with him, were already arrived at Jerusalem, they

   made reproachful answers to me; yet was I not terrified thereby, but contrived another stratagem

   against them, for I did not think it agreeable with piety to kindle the fire of war against the citizens.

   As I was desirous to draw those men away from Tiberias, I chose out ten thousand of the best of my

   armed men, and divided them into three bodies, and ordered them to go privately, and lie still as an

   ambush, in the villages. I also led a thousand into another village, which lay indeed in the mountains,

   as did the others, but only four furlongs distant from Tiberias; and gave orders, that when they saw

   my signal, they should come down immediately, while I myself lay with my soldiers in the sight of

   every body. Hereupon the people of Tiberias, at the sight of me, came running out of the city

   perpetually, and abused me greatly. Nay, their madness was come to that height, that they made a

   decent bier for me, and, standing about it, they mourned over me in the way of jest and sport; and I

   could not but be myself in a pleasant humor upon the sight of this madness of theirs.

   63. And now being desirous to catch Simon by a wile, and Joazar with him, I sent a message to them,

   and desired them to come a little way out of the city, and many of their friends to guard them; for I

   said I would come down to them, and make a league with them, and divide the government of Galilee

   with them. Accordingly, Simon was deluded on account of his imprudence, and out of the hopes of

   gain, and did not delay to come; but Joazar, suspecting snares were laid for him, staid behind. So

   when Simon was come out, and his friends with him, for his guard, I met him, and saluted him with

   great civility, and professed that I was obliged to him for his coming up to me; but a little while

   afterward I walked along with him as though I would say something to him by myself; and when I

   had drawn him a good way from his friends, I took him about the middle, and gave him to my friends

   that were with me, to carry him into a village; and, commanding my armed men to come down, I with

   them made an assault upon Tiberias.

   Now, as the fight grew hot on both sides, and the soldiers belonging to Tiberias were in a fair way to

   conquer me, (for my armed men were already fled away,) I saw the posture of my affairs; and

   encouraging those that were with me, I pursued those of Tiberias, even when they were already

   conquerors, into the city. I also sent another band of soldiers into the city by the lake, and gave them

   orders to set on fire the first house they could seize upon. When this was done, the people of

   Tiberinas thought that their city was taken by force, and so threw down their arms for fear, and

   implored, they, their wives, and children, that I would spare their city. So I was over‑persuaded by

   their entreaties, and restrained the soldiers from the vehemency with which they pursued them; while

   I myself, upon the coming on of the evening, returned back with my soldiers, and went to refresh

   myself. I also invited Simon to sup with me, and comforted him on occasion of what had happened;

   and I promised that I would send him safe and secure to Jerusalem, and withal would give him

   provisions for his journey thither.

   64. But on the next day, I brought ten thousand armed men with me, and came to Tiberias. I then

   sent for the principal men of the multitude into the public place, and enjoined them to tell me who

   were the authors of the revolt; and when they told me who the men were, I sent them bound to the

   city Jotapata. But as to Jonathan and Ananias, I freed them from their bonds, and gave them

   provisions for their journey, together with Simon and Joazar, and five hundred armed men who should

   guard them; and so I sent them to Jerusalem. The people of Tiberias also came to me again, and

   desired that I would forgive them for what they had done; and they said they would amend what they

   had done amiss with regard to me, by their fidelity for the time to come; and they besought me to

   preserve what spoils remained upon the plunder of the city, for those that had lost them. Accordingly,

   I enjoined those that had got them, to bring them all before us; and when they did not comply for a

   great while, and I saw one of the soldiers that were about me with a garment on that was more

   splendid than ordinary, I asked him whence he had it; and when he replied that he had it out of the

   plunder of the city, I had him punished with stripes; and I threatened all the rest to inflict a severer

   punishment upon them, unless they produced before us whatsoever they had plundered; and when a

   great many spoils were brought together, I restored to every one of Tiberias what they claimed to be

   their own.

   65. And now I am come to this part of my narration, I have a mind to say a few things to Justus, who

   hath himself written a history concerning these affairs, as also to others who profess to write history,

   but have little regard to truth, and are not afraid, either out of ill‑will or good‑will to some persons, to

   relate falsehoods. These men do like those who compose forged deeds and conveyances; and

   because they are not brought to the like punishment with them, they have no regard to truth. When,

   therefore, Justus undertook to write about these facts, and about the Jewish war, that he might

   appear to have been an industrious man, he falsified in what he related about me, and could not speak

   truth even about his own country; whence it is that, being belied by him, I am under a necessity to

   make my defense; and so I shall say what I have concealed till now. And let no one wonder that I

   have not told the world these things a great while ago. For although it be necessary for an historian to

   write the truth, yet is such a one not bound severely to animadvert on the wickedness of certain men;

   not out of any favor to them, but out of an author's own moderation. How then comes it to pass, O

   Justus! thou most sagacious of writers, (that I may address myself to him as if he were here present,)

   for so thou boastest of thyself, that I and the Galileans have been the authors of that sedition which

   thy country engaged in, both against the Romans and against the king [Agrippa, junior] For before

   ever I was appointed governor of Galilee by the community of Jerusalem, both thou and all the people

   of Tiberias had not only taken up arms, but had made war with Decapolis of Syria.

   Accordingly, thou hadst ordered their villages to be burnt, and a domestic servant of thine fell in the

   battle. Nor is it I only who say this; but so it is written in the Commentaries of Vespasian, the

   emperor; as also how the inhabitants of Decapolis came clamoring to Vespasian at Ptolemais, and

   desired that thou, who wast the author [of that war], mightest be brought to punishment. And thou

   hadst certainly been punished at the command of Vespasian, had not king Agrippa, who had power

   given him to have thee put to death, at the earnest entreaty of his sister Bernice, changed the

   punishment from death into a long imprisonment. Thy political administration of affairs afterward doth

   also clearly discover both thy other behavior in life, and that thou wast the occasion of thy country's

   revolt from the Romans; plain signs of which I shall produce presently. I have also a mind to say a

   few things to the rest of the people of Tiberias on thy account, and to demonstrate to those that light

   upon this history, that you bare no good‑will, neither to the Romans, nor to the king. To be sure, the

   greatest cities of Galilee, O Justus! were Sepphoris, and thy country Tiberias.

   But Sepphoris, situated in the very midst of Galilee, and having many villages about it, and able with

   ease to have been bold and troublesome to the Romans, if they had so pleased, yet did it resolve to

   continue faithful to those their masters, and at the same time excluded me out of their city, and

   prohibited all their citizens from joining with the Jews in the war; and, that they might be out of

   danger from me, they, by a wile, got leave of me to fortify their city with walls: they also, of their own

   accord, admitted of a garrison of Roman legions, sent them by Cestlus Gallus, who was then

   president of Syria, and so had me in contempt, though I was then very powerful, and all were greatly

   afraid of me; and at the same time that the greatest of our cities, Jerusalem, was besieged, and that

   temple of ours, which belonged to us all, was in danger of falling under the enemy's power, they sent

   no assistance thither, as not willing to have it thought they would bear arms against the Romans. But

   as for thy country, O Justus: situated upon the lake of Gennesareth, and distance from Hippos thirty

   furlongs, from Gadara sixty, and from Scythopolis, which was under the king's jurisdiction, a hundred

   and twenty; when there was no Jewish city near, it might easily have preserved its fidelity [to the

   Romans,] if it had so pleased them to do, for the city and its people had plenty of weapons.

   But, as thou sayest, I was then the author [of their revolts]. And pray, O Justus! who was that author

   afterwards? For thou knowest that I was in the power of the Romans before Jerusalem was

   besieged, and before the same time Jotapata was taker by force, as well as many other fortresses,

   and a great many of the Galileans fell in the war. It was therefore then a proper time, when you were

   certainly freed from any fear on my account, to throw away your weapons, and to demonstrate to the

   king and to the Romans, that it was not of choice, but as forced by necessity, that you fell into the

   war against them; but you staid till Vespasian came himself as far as your walls, with his whole

   army; and then you did indeed lay aside your weapons out of fear, and your city had for certain been

   taken by force, unless Vespasian had complied with the king's supplication for you, and had excused

   your madness. It was not I, therefore, who was the author of this, but your own inclinations to war.

   Do not you remember how often I got you under my power, and yet put none of you to death? Nay,

   you once fell into a tumult one against another, and slew one hundred and eighty‑five of your citizens,

   not on account of your good‑will to the king and to the Romans, but on account of your own

   wickedness, and this while I was besieged by the Romans in Jotapata.

   Nay, indeed, were there not reckoned up two thousand of the people of Tiberias during the siege of

   Jerusalem, some of whom were slain, and the rest caught and carried captives? But thou wilt pretend

   that thou didst not engage in the war, since thou didst flee to the king. Yes, indeed, thou didst flee to

   him; but I say it was out of fear of me. Thou sayest, indeed, that it is I who am a wicked man. But

   then, for what reason was it that king Agrippa, who procured thee thy life when thou wast

   condemned to die by Vespian, and who bestowed so much riches upon thee, did twice afterward put

   thee in bonds, and as often obliged thee to run away from thy country, and, when he had once

   ordered thee to be put to death, he granted thee a pardon at the earnest desire of Bernice? And when

   (after so many of thy wicked pranks) he made thee his secretary, he caught thee falsifying his

   epistles, and drove thee away from his sight. But I shall not inquire accurately into these matters of

   scandal against thee.

   Yet cannot I but wonder at thy impudence, when thou hast the assurance to say, that thou hast better

   related these affairs [of the war] than have all the others that have written about them, whilst thou

   didst not know what was done in Galilee; for thou wast then at Berytus with the king; nor didst thou

   know how much the Romans suffered at the siege of Jotapata, or what miseries they brought upon

   us; nor couldst thou learn by inquiry what I did during that siege myself; for all those that might afford

   such information were quite destroyed in that siege.

   But perhaps thou wilt say, thou hast written of what was done against the people of Jerusalem

   exactly. But how should that be? for neither wast thou concerned in that war, nor hast thou read the

   commentaries of Caesar; of which we have evident proof, because thou hast contradicted those

   commentaries of Caesar in thy history. But if thou art so hardy as to affirm, that thou hast written

   that history better than all the rest, why didst thou not publish thy history while the emperors

   Vespasian and Titus, the generals in that war, as well as king Agrippa and his family, who were men

   very well skilled in the learning of the Greeks, were all alive? for thou hast had it written these twenty

   years, and then mightest thou have had the testimony of thy accuracy.

   But now when these men are no longer with us, and thou thinkest thou canst not be contradicted,

   thou venturest to publish it. But then I was not in like manner afraid of my own writing, but I offered

   my books to the emperors themselves, when the facts were almost under men's eyes; for I was

   conscious to myself, that I had observed the truth of the facts; and as I expected to have their

   attestation to them, so I was not deceived in such expectation. Moreover, I immediately presented my

   history to many other persons, some of whom were concerned in the war, as was king Agrippa and

   some of his kindred. Now the emperor Titus was so desirous that the knowledge of these affairs

   should be taken from these books alone, that he subscribed his own hand to them, and ordered that

   they should be published; and for king Agrippa, he wrote me sixty‑two letters, and attested to the

   truth of what I had therein delivered; two of which letters I have here subjoined, and thou mayst

   thereby know their contents: ‑

        "King Agrippa to Josephus, however, when thou comest to me, I will inform thee of a

        great many things which thou dost not know."

   So when this history was perfected, Agrippa, neither by way of flattery, which was not agreeable to

   him, nor by way of irony, as thou wilt say, (for he was entirely a stranger to such an evil disposition of

   mind,) but he wrote this by way of attestation to what was true, as all that read histories may do. And

   so much shall be said concerning Justus (24) which I am obliged to add by way of digression.

   66. Now, when I had settled the affairs of Tiberias, and had assembled my friends as a sanhedrim, I

   consulted what I should do as to John. Whereupon it appeared to be the opinion of all the Galileans,

   that I should arm them all, and march against John, and punish him as the author of all the disorders

   that had happened. Yet was not I pleased with their determination; as purposing to compose these

   troubles without bloodshed. Upon this I exhorted them to use the utmost care to learn the names of

   all that were under John; which when they had done, and I thereby was apprized who the men were,

   I published an edict, wherein I offered security and my right hand to such of John's party as had a

   mind to repent; and I allowed twenty days' time to such as would take this most advantageous course

   for themselves. I also threatened, that unless they threw down their arms, I would burn their houses,

   and expose their goods to public sale. When the men heard of this, they were in no small disorder,

   and deserted John; and to the number of four thousand threw down their arms, and came to me. So

   that no others staid with John but his own citizens, and about fifteen hundred strangers that came

   from the metropolis of Tyre; and when John saw that he had been outwitted by my stratagem, he

   continued afterward in his own country, and was in great fear of me.

   67. But about this time it was that the people of Sepphoris grew insolent, and took up arms, out of a

   confidence they had in the strength of their walls, and because they saw me engaged in other affairs

   also. So they sent to Cestius Gallus, who was president of Syria, and desired that he would either

   come quickly to them, and take their city under his protection, or send them a garrison. Accordingly,

   Gallus promised them to come, but did not send word when he would come: and when I had learned

   so much, I took the soldiers that were with me, and made an assault upon the people of Sepphoris,

   and took the city by force. The Galileans took this opportunity, as thinking they had now a proper time

   for showing their hatred to them, since they bore ill‑will to that city also. They then exerted

   themselves, as if they would destroy them all utterly, with those that sojourned there also. So they ran

   upon them, and set their houses on fire, as finding them without inhabitants; for the men, out of fear,

   ran together to the citadel.

   So the Galileans carried off every thing, and omitted no kind of desolation which they could bring

   upon their countrymen. When I saw this, I was exceedingly troubled at it, and commanded them to

   leave off, and put them in mind that it was not agreeable to piety to do such things to their

   countrymen: but since they neither would hearken to what I exhorted, nor to what I commanded them

   to do, (for the hatred they bore to the people there was too hard for my exhortations to them,) I bade

   those my friends, who were most faithful to me, and were about me, to give on reports, as if the

   Romans were falling upon the other part of the city with a great army; and this I did, that, by such a

   report being spread abroad, I might restrain the violence of the Galileans, and preserve the city of

   Sepphoris. And at length this stratagem had its effect; for, upon hearing this report, they were in fear

   for themselves, and so they left off plundering and ran away; and this more especially, because they

   saw me, their general, do the same also; for, that I might cause this report to be believed, I pretended

   to be in fear as well as they. Thus were the inhabitants of Sepphoris unexpectedly preserved by this

   contrivance of mine.

   68. Nay, indeed, Tiberias had like to have been plundered by the Galileans also upon the following

   occasion: ‑ The chief men of the senate wrote to the king, and desired that he would come to them,

   and take possession of their city. The king promised to come, and wrote a letter in answer to theirs,

   and gave it to one of his bed‑chamber, whose name was Crispus, and who was by birth a Jew, to

   carry it to Tiberias. When the Galileans knew that this man carried such a letter, they caught him, and

   brought him to me; but as soon as the whole multitude heard of it, they were enraged, and betook

   themselves to their arms. So a great many of them together from all quarters the next day, and came

   to the city Asochis, where I then lodged, and made heavy clamors, and called the city of Tiberias a

   traitor to them, and a friend to the king; and desired leave of me to go down and utterly destroy it; for

   they bore the like ill‑will to the people of Tiberias, as they did to those of Sepphoris.

   69. When I heard this, I was in doubt what to do, and hesitated by what means I might deliver

   Tiberias from the rage of the Galileans; for I could not deny that those of Tiborias had written to the

   king, and invited him to come to them; for his letters to them, in answer thereto, would fully prove the

   truth of that. So I sat a long time musing with myself, and then said to them,

        "I know well enough that the people of Tiberias have offended; nor shall I forbid you to

        plunder the city. However, such things ought to be done with discretion; for they of

        Tiberias have not been the only betrayers of our liberty, but many of the most eminent

        patriots of the Galileans, as they pretended to be, have done the same. Tarry therefore

        till I shall thoroughly find out those authors of our danger, and then you shall have them

        all at once under your power, with all such as you shall yourselves bring in also."

   Upon my saying this, I pacified the multitude, and they left off their anger, and went their ways; and I

   gave orders that he who brought the king's letters should be put into bonds; but in a few days I

   pretended that I was obliged, by a necessary affair of my own, to out of the kingdom. I then called

   Crispus privately, and ordered him to make the soldier that kept him drunk, and to run away to the

   king. So when Tiberias was in danger of being utterly destroyed a second time, it escaped the danger

   by my skillful management, and the care that I had for its preservation.

   70. About this time it was that Justus, the son of Pistus, without my knowledge, ran away to the king;

   the occasion of which I will here relate. Upon the beginning of the war between the Jews and

   Romans, the people of Tiberias resolved to submit to the king, and not to revolt from the Romans;

   while Justus tried to persuade them to betake themselves to their arms, as being himself desirous of

   innovations, and having hopes of obtaining the government of Galilee, as well as of his own country

   [Tiberias] also. Yet did he not obtain what he hoped for, because the Galileans bore ill‑will to those of

   Tiberias, and this on account of their anger at what miseries they had suffered from them before the

   war; thence it was that they would not endure that Justus should be their governor. I myself also,

   who had been intrusted by the community of Jerusalem with the government of Galilee, did frequently

   come to that degree of rage at Justus, that I had almost resolved to kill him, as not able to bear his

   mischievous disposition. He was therefore much afraid of me, lest at length my passion should come

   to extremity; so he went to the king, as supposing that he would dwell better and more safely with

   him.

   71. Now, when the people of Sepphoris had, in so surprising a manner, escaped their first danger,

   they sent to Cestius Gallus, and desired him to come to them immediately, and take possession of

   their city, or else to send forces sufficient to repress all their enemies' incursions upon them; and at

   the last they did prevail with Gallus to send them a considerable army, both of horse and foot, which

   came in the night time, and which they admitted into the city. But when the country round about it

   was harassed by the Roman army, I took those soldiers that were about me, and came to Garisme,

   where I cast up a bank, a good way off the city Sepphoris; and when I was at twenty furlongs

   distance, I came upon it by night, and made an assault upon its walls with my forces; and when I had

   ordered a considerable number of my soldiers to scale them with ladders, I became master of the

   greatest part of the city.

   But soon after, our unacquaintedness with the places forced us to retire, after we had killed twelve of

   the Roman footmen, and two horsemen, and a few of the people of Sepphoris, with the loss of only a

   single man of our own. And when it afterwards came to a battle in the plain against the horsemen,

   and we had undergone the dangers of it courageously for a long time, we were beaten; for upon the

   Romans encompassing me about, my soldiers were afraid, and fell back. There fell in that battle one

   of those that had been intrusted to guard my body; his name was Justus, who at this time had the

   same post with the king. At the same time also there came forces, both horsemen and footmen, from

   the king, and Sylla their commander, who was the captain of his guard: this Sylla pitched his camp at

   five furlongs' distance from Julias, and set a guard upon the roads, both that which led to Cana, and

   that which led to the fortress Gamala, that he might hinder their inhabitants from getting provisions

   out of Galilee.

   72. As soon as I had gotten intelligence of this, I sent two thousand armed men, and a captain over

   them, whose name was Jeremiah, who raised a bank a furlong off Julias, near to the river Jordan, and

   did no more than skirmish with the enemy; till I took three thousand soldiers myself, and came to

   them. But on the next day, when I had laid an ambush in a certain valley, not far from the banks, I

   provoked those that belonged to the king to come to a battle, and gave orders to my own soldiers to

   turn their backs upon them, until they should have drawn the enemy away from their camp, and

   brought them out into the field, which was done accordingly; for Sylla, supposing that our party did

   really run away, was ready to pursue them, when our soldiers that lay in ambush took them on their

   backs, and put them all into great disorder. I also immediately made a sudden turn with my own

   forces, and met those of the king's party, and put them to flight. And I had performed great things

   that day, if a certain fate had not been my hinderance; for the horse on which I rode, and upon whose

   back I fought, fell into a quagmire, and threw me on the ground, and I was bruised on my wrist, and

   carried into a village named Cepharnome, or Capernaum. When my soldiers heard of this, they were

   afraid I had been worse hurt than I was; and so they did not go on with their pursuit any further, but

   returned in very great concern for me. I therefore sent for the physicians, and while I was under their

   hands, I continued feverish that day; and as the physicians directed, I was that night removed to

   Taricheee.

   73. When Sylla and his party were informed what happened to me, they took courage again; and

   understanding that the watch was negligently kept in our camp, they by night placed a body of

   horsemen in ambush beyond Jordan, and when it was day they provoked us to fight; and as we did

   not refuse it, but came into the plain, their horsemen appeared out of that ambush in which they had

   lain, and put our men into disorder, and made them run away; so they slew six men of our side. Yet

   did they not go off with the victory at last; for when they heard that some armed men were sailed

   from Taricheae to Juli, they were afraid, and retired.

   74. It was not now long before Vespasian came to Tyre, and king Agrippa with him; but the Tyrians

   began to speak reproachfully of the king, and called him an enemy to the Romans. For they said that

   Philip, the general of his army, had betrayed the royal palace and the Roman forces that were in

   Jerusalem, and that it was done by his command. When Vespasian heard of this report, he rebuked

   the Tyrians for abusing a man who was both a king and a friend to the Romans; but he exhorted the

   king to send Philip to Rome, to answer for what he had done before Nero. But when Philip was sent

   thither, he did not come into the sight of Nero, for he found him very near death, on account of the

   troubles that then happened, and a civil war; and so he returned to the king.

   But when Vespasian was come to Ptolemais, the chief men of Decapolis of Syria made a clamor

   against Justus of Tiberias, because he had set their villages on fire: so Vespasian delivered him to the

   king, to he put to death by those under the king's jurisdiction; yet did the king only put him into bonds,

   and concealed what he had done from Vespasian, as I have before related. But the people of

   Sepphoris met Vespasian, and saluted him, and had forces sent him, with Placidus their commander:

   he also went up with them, as I also followed them, till Vespasian came into Galilee. As to which

   coming of his, and after what manner it was ordered, and how he fought his first battle with me near

   the village Taricheae, and how from thence they went to Jotapata, and how I was taken alive, and

   bound, and how I was afterward loosed, with all that was done by me in the Jewish war, and during

   the siege of Jerusalem, I have accurately related them in the books concerning the War of the Jews.

   However, it will, I think, he fit for me to add now an account of those actions of my life which I have

   not related in that book of the Jewish war.

   75. For when the siege of Jotapata was over, and I was among the Romans, I was kept with much

   Care, by means of the great respect that Vespasian showed me. Moreover, at his command, I

   married a virgin, who was from among the captives of that country (25) yet did she not live with me

   long, but was divorced, upon my being freed from my bonds, and my going to Alexandria. However, I

   married another wife at Alexandria, and was thence sent, together with Titus, to the siege of

   Jerusalem, and was frequently in danger of being put to death; while both the Jews were very

   desirous to get me under their power, in order to haw me punished. And the Romans also, whenever

   they were beaten, supposed that it was occasioned by my treachery, and made continual clamors to

   the emperors, and desired that they would bring me to punishment, as a traitor to them: but Titus

   Caesar was well acquainted with the uncertain fortune of war, and returned no answer to the

   soldiers' vehement solicitations against me. Moreover, when the city Jerusalem was taken by force,

   Titus Caesar persuaded me frequently to take whatsoever I would of the ruins of my country; and did

   that he gave me leave so to do. But when my country was destroyed, I thought nothing else to be of

   any value, which I could take and keep as a comfort under my calamities; so I made this request to

   Titus, that my family might have their liberty: I had also the holy books (26) by Titus's concession.

   Nor was it long after that I asked of him the life of my brother, and of fifty friends with him, and was

   not denied. When I also went once to the temple, by the permission of Titus, where there were a

   great multitude of captive women and children, I got all those that I remembered as among my own

   friends and acquaintances to be set free, being in number about one hundred and ninety; and so I

   delivered them without their paying any price of redemption, and restored them to their former

   fortune. And when I was sent by Titus Caesar with Cerealins, and a thousand horsemen, to a certain

   village called Thecoa, in order to know whether it were a place fit for a camp, as I came back, I saw

   many captives crucified, and remembered three of them as my former acquaintance. I was very

   sorry at this in my mind, and went with tears in my eyes to Titus, and told him of them; so he

   immediately commanded them to be taken down, and to have the greatest care taken of them, in

   order to their recovery; yet two of them died under the physician's hands, while the third recovered.

   76. But when Titus had composed the troubles in Judea, and conjectured that the lands which I had

   in Judea would bring me no profit, because a garrison to guard the country was afterward to pitch

   there, he gave me another country in the plain. And when he was going away to Rome, he made

   choice of me to sail along with him, and paid me great respect: and when we were come to Rome, I

   had great care taken of me by Vespasian; for he gave me an apartment in his own house, which he

   lived in before he came to the empire. He also honored me with the privilege of a Roman citizen, and

   gave me an annual pension; and continued to respect me to the end of his life, without any abatement

   of his kindness to me; which very thing made me envied, and brought me into danger; for a certain

   Jew, whose name was Jonathan, who had raised a tumult in Cyrene, and had persuaded two

   thousand men of that country to join with him, was the occasion of their ruin. But when he was bound

   by the governor of that country, and sent to the emperor, he told him that I had sent him both

   weapons and money. However, he could not conceal his being a liar from Vespasian, who

   condemned him to die; according to which sentence he was put to death.

   Nay, after that, when those that envied my good fortune did frequently bring accusations against me,

   by God's providence I escaped them all. I also received from Vespasian no small quantity of land, as

   a free gift, in Judea; about which time I divorced my wife also, as not pleased with her behavior,

   though not till she had been the mother of three children, two of whom are dead, and one whom I

   named Hyrcanus, is alive. After this I married a wife who had lived at Crete, but a Jewess by birth: a

   woman she was of eminent parents, and such as were the most illustrious in all the country, and

   whose character was beyond that of most other women, as her future life did demonstrate. By her I

   had two sons; the elder's name was Justus, and the next Simonides, who was also named Agrippa.

   And these were the circumstances of my domestic affairs. However, the kindness of the emperor to

   me continued still the same; for when Vespasian was dead, Titus, who succeeded him in the

   government, kept up the same respect for me which I had from his father; and when I had frequent

   accusations laid against me, he would not believe them. And Domitian, who succeeded, still

   augmented his respects to me; for he punished those Jews that were my accusers, and gave

   command that a servant of mine, who was a eunuch, and my accuser, should be punished. He also

   made that country I had in Judea tax free, which is a mark of the greatest honor to him who hath it;

   nay, Domitia, the wife of Caesar, continued to do me kindnesses. And this is the account of the

   actions of my whole life; and let others judge of my character by them as they please. But to thee, O

   Epaphroditus, (27) thou most excellent of men! do I dedicate all this treatise of our Antiquities; and

   so, for the present, I here conclude the whole.

   Footnotes

   (24) The character of this history of Justus of Tiberias, the rival of our Josephus, which is now lost,

   with its only remaining fragment, are given us by a very able critic, Photius, who read that history. It

   is in the 33rd code of his Bibliotheea, and runs thus:

        "I have read (says Photius) the chronology of Justus of Tiberias, whose title is this ,

        [The Chronology of] the Kings of Judah which succeeded one another. This

        [Justus] came out of the city of Tiberias in Galilee. He begins his history from Moses,

        and ends it not till the death of Agrippa, the seventh [ruler] of the family of Herod, and

        the last king of the Jews; who took the government under Claudius, had it augmented

        under Nero, and still more augmented by Vespasian. He died in the third year of Trajan,

        where also his history ends. He is very concise in his language, and slightly passes over

        those affairs that were most necessary to be insisted on; and being under the Jewish

        prejudices, as indeed he was himself also a Jew by birth, he makes not the least

        mention of the appearance of Christ, or what things happened to him, or of the

        wonderful works that he did. He was the son of a certain Jew, whose name was

        Pistus. He was a man, as he is described by Josephus, of a most profligate character; a

        slave both to money and to pleasures. In public affairs he was opposite to Josephus;

        and it is related, that he laid many plots against him; but that Josephus, though he had

        his enemy frequently under his power, did only reproach him in words, and so let him go

        without further punishment. He says also, that the history which this man wrote is, for

        the main, fabulous, and chiefly as to those parts where he describes the Roman war

        with the Jews, and the taking of Jerusalem."

   (25) Here Josephus, a priest, honestly confesses that he did that at the command of Vespasian, which

   he had before told us was not lawful for a priest to do by the law of Moses, Antiq. B. III. ch. 12.

   sect. 2. I mean, the taking a captive woman to wife. See also Against Apion, B. I. sect. 7. But he

   seems to have been quickly sensible that his compliance with the commands of an emperor would not

   excuse him, for he soon put her away, as Reland justly observes here.

   (26) Of this most remarkable clause, and its most important consequences, see Essay on the Old

   Testament, page 193‑‑195.

   (27) Of this Epaphroditus, see the note on the Preface to the Antiquities.

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